ARAKAN, THE LAND OF BUDDHISM

ARAKAN, THE LAND OF BUDDHISM - A Brief History of Mahamuani by
Khaing Kyaw Kyaw

According to almost all Arakanese chronicles, it is asserted that the Mahamuni Image
was cast during the reign of King Candasuriya of Arakan in the middle of six century
B.C. when the Lord Buddha in his life time made his sojourn to Dhanyawadi, the
ancient city of Arakan.1 ( the old site of Dhanyawadi is situated on the focus of East
longitude 93º 3´ and North Latitude 20º 52´).


However the modern historians believe it may have been in the second century A.D.2
Among the several places where King Ashoka of India (273-236 B.C) had sent the
Buddhist missionaries, it included the name "Mahinsaka". 3 Mahinsaka is the ancient
name of Arakan.4 In the Rakhaing Medhapinnya Mawguan Lunga, it was composed
such as that Rakkha Pura (Arakan) either possesses the name "Mahinsaka".


The Indian people especially of Bengal call the Arakanese as "Magh" or "Mogh".5
Magh may have also been derived from Mahinsaka/Mahka/Makh which sounds
"Magh" or "Mogh".6 In Bengali literature, the vowel (a) sounds as (o). The Bengali
people may have called Arakanese as Magh/Mogh or Maghad in sense of the people
from Mahinsaka (Arakan).

Mahamuni Image and its Long Events

In 81 A.D. the King Nagarasinda of Thayekhittaya (Burma) had made his journey to
Arakan to worship the Mahamuni image.1 The King Suriya who ascended the throne
of Arakan in 272 A.D had greatly devoted to it.2 Prince Mahataing Candra, founder
of Chittagong, son of King Suriya (272-327 A.D) built a new temple at Mahamuni by
the approval of his father.

Before the accomplishment of it, the King Suriya had passed away and his son, prince
Mahataing Candra, succeeded the throne in 327 A.D. He made a golden crown
embellished with rubies and offered it to the Mahamuni image. During his rule in
Arakan the Mahatheras from Ramanya (Mon) and Sri Lanka made the pilgrimage to
the Mahamuni pagoda.3 He was succeeded by his son Suriya Candra.

During the rule of King Suriya Candra in Arakan, the pedestal of the image was burnt
down. He substituted it with a new one of marble stone and renovated the temple with
the teak wood. After completing it he performed a great merit ceremony.4

In 776 A.D. during the reign of King Pe Phru in Arakan, the alien from the North had
settled in the east of the hill-site of Mahamuni Shrine. They dug the treasure stored
under the pedestal of the image and set fire the building of Gandakudi (The location
where the Mahamuni image was housed).5

In 980 A.D. another settlement could be found from the wild northern part of the
Arakan and they have occupied the area ofÿ Mahamuni. They tried to bring the image
to their place and when it was unsuccessful they took the treasure and melted the
statue. When they found it all in vain, the image was left behind. Thus the Mahamuni
image could not be found out for three years and five months.6

King Anawratha, founder of the first Burmese Dynasty in Burma, ( who ascended the
throne of Pagan in 1044 A.D.), himself came to Arakan and tried to bring the image to
Burma. Later he had given up his previous plan and constructed the new temple at the
shrine and came back to Pagan.7

Athinkhara Raza who became king of Pincha Dynasty of Arakan in 1068 A.D.
rebeautified Mahamuni shrine again.8

In 11 century A.D in time of King Foonthan of Pincha in Arakan, the King of Pagan
sent fifty thousand warriors, five hundred ministers and a Mahathera. They encamped
at Cetootaya and begged the permission from the Arakanese king for the construction
of a new temple at the Mahamuni. After getting the agreement from the King
Foonthan of Arakan, they built a new Gandakudi and planted the Sanga trees at four
locations of the Mahamuni."9

In 1103 A.D. the Paganians came to Arakan to confer Lakkyamunnan the throne of
Arakan when it was in absence of king. They destroyed Mahamuni images and cut off
the legs and hollowed the back in hunt for the treasure.10

Mahamuni was being lost till six successors of Arakanese kings Lakkyamunnan,
Thiharaza, Thakyawangree, Thakyawannge to Koliya in Arakan. The King Datharaza
who succeeded the throne of Parin Dynasty of Arakan in 1123 A.D. tried to search for
the lost image and found out it by the help of Mro Lord Rahoungla in the wild sinking
up to the neck under the ground, the right hand broken and a big hole on the back. He
brought it back to old Dhanyawadi and placed it on its former Katanyuta Hill.11

King Ngahnaloon who succeeded the throne of Nerinsara in 1246 A.E. was the last
King of Taung Ngoo Dynasty of Arakan. During his rule in Arakan, the temple of
Mahamuni was ruined by a great storm.12

In time of King Alaumaphru, successor of King Ngahnaloon (1246-1250 A.D.) and
founder of Laungrek Dynasty (1250 to 1430 A.D.), the temple of Mahamuni had been
rebuilt and it was burnt down again in 1354 A.D.13

King Mong Saw Mon (1406-1433 A.D.) founded Mrauk U in 1430 A.D. He paved the
road from Mrauk U to Mahamuni and dug several ponds and lakes along the way. In
1439 A.D. King Mong Khaki (Ali Khan), the successor of Mong Saw Mon brought
the Pitaka from Sri Lanka and offered them to the Mahamuni.14

King Mong Ba or Mong Bun (Sri Suryachandra Dharm), (Jobouk Shah) (1531-1553
A.D.) made a great merit on the conquest of twelve towns of Bengal in 1536 A.D. He
cast thousands of Buddha images resemble to Mahamuni and constructed many
shrines and pagodas across Arakan, enshrined the images therein.15

King Mong Razagree (1593-1612 A.D.), grand son of Mong Ba renovated the temple
of Mahamuni and celebrated a one-thousand-monks ordination ceremony at the
Mahamuni temple.16

During the reign of Sandathudhamma (1652-1674 A.D.) the temple and Wunmana
Kyi (rice store) were burnt down in 1647 A.D. The King constructed a new temple in
1658 A.D. and finished it in that era.17

In 1674 A.D. the son of King Sandathu-dhamma, King Ukkabala succeeded the
throne and made the pilgrimage to Mahamuni. In time of King Waradhamma who
became king of Arakan in 1684 A.D., many monasteries and Uppasampada temples
(where monk-ordination is performed) were build around the Mahamuni pagoda and
eight thousand monks were ordained within one year.18

In 1710 A.D., the Burmese king Thirimaha Thuradhamma had sent two missionaries
of Weluthara and Sandataraza and they asked permission for the construction of a
new temple at Mahamuni whereas the king of Arakan denied it.19

In 1718 A.D. the palace of Mrauk U, the temple of Mahamuni, other 8000
monasteries and 800 Uppasampada Temples were built by the king of Arakan.20

In 1761 and 1762 A.D. there was a pair of earthquake in Arakan and the roof and the
walls of the temple were collapsed down. In 1764 A.D. the lord of Rembree
succeeded the throne of Arakan by the name of Abayamaharaza. In Pratho (10th
month of Arakanese Era, January) of the same year, the main temple of Mahamuni
was burnt down and he reconstructed it in 1127 A.E. (1765 A.D).21

During the reign of King Sandasumanaraza of Arakan, the king of Eve of Burma,
Sinphyu Shin (Lord of white elephant), sent a delegation of pilgrimage led by
Surinchakka to Arakan and they arrived at Mahamuni on Saturday of 8th waxing of
Tawthalunn (6th month of A.E. September) in 1136 A.E. (1774 A.D.).22

King Mahathamadaraza ascended the throne in 1784 A.D. and two years latter in
1784 there was a great flood of Gaiccapanadi (Kaladan river) which lasted for seven
days. Among the people who sought shelter at the Mahamuni temple, the three
women had given birth to three babies by the same time and a giant log reached onto
the pedestal of Mahamuni Image. At night the people could hear the odd crises and
sounds of trumpets and see the bad omens.

On hearing such odd events, King Maha-thamadaraza came to the Mahamuni on
Thursday of 14th waning of Waso in 1146 A.E. (1784 A.D.). On Saturday of 7th
waning of Pratho in 1146 A.E., on 30th December 1784, the Burmese King Bodaw
Maung Wyne occupied Arakan and took Mahamuni Image, and it reached at the
Sagaing harbour on 2nd waning after Kasone full-moon in 1147 A.E. (1785 A.D.).23
Mandalay Mahamyatmuni pagoda is the great Mahamuni Image of Arakan.
.................................
INDEX

1. Tun Shwe Khine (M.A.): "History of Mahamuni" (in Burmese), 1991.

2. Dr. Qanungo: "History of Chittagong" (in English), 1986.

3. Ahn Maung (M.A.): "2500 years of Buddhism" (in Burmese).

4. However, the historians of India have identified "Mahinsaka" as present "Mysore"
of India. Kyaw Zan tha (M.A.): "Buddhism in Arakan before Yedhamma" (Rakhine
Tazaung Magazine), 1980, p.20.

5. "Magh", nowadays, has the notorious sense as "Pirate" because the"Magh" or
"Rakhaing" who were clever at the maritime warfare had often raided "Bengal" by the
sea-route during the glorious age of golden "Mrauk U".

6.

a) More research works should be done on this view point.

b) "Magh" is allied to Sanskrit word "Magh" which means "Superior". (Dr. Qanungo:
"History of Chittagong", 1986.)

c) Some scholars believe the word "Magh" is a derivation from "Maghada" of India.
(San Tha Aung (M.A): The Mog or the Magh or the Arakanese in Bangladesh.)
(Chittagong Gazetteer (Government of Bangladesh), 1974.)

d) "Magh", in Bengali Literature, is pronounced "Mogh". So is "Mahinsaka"
pronounced as "Mohinsoko" and may be corrupted into "Mohinsoko/ Mohko/ Mokh/
Mogh.

1.

a) Chan Htwan Oung: The Mahamuni Shrine in Arakan, J.B.R.S. (Journal of Burma
Research Society).

b) Oo Kala Maharazawin (in Burmese), Vol. III, p.104.

c) Hmannanrazawin (in Burmese), Vol. III, p.104.

2. Sandamalalungara, Rakhaing Razawunthaik-kyan (in Burmese), Vol.III, p.104.

3.

a) Rakhaing Razawunthaikkyan, Vol. I, p.286.

b) Dr. Forchammer; The Mahamuni Pagoda, p.6.

4. Kyauk Roe Razawun, (Palm scripture in Arakanese)

5.

a) Dr. Forchammer, The Mahamuni Pagoda, p.6.

b) U Nyo Mya: Koombaung Shapoondaw, p.154.

c) Rakhaing Razawunthaikkyan, Vol. I, p.307.

d) Arakanese Princess Yaingcrong (Hantha-wadi Print) (in Arakanese), Stanza-14.

8. Chan Htwan Oung, Mahamuni Shrine in Arakan. J.B.R.S., P.263.

7. Rakhaing Razawunthaikkyan: Vol. I, p.316

8. Dr. Forchammer: Arakan, p.6.

9.

a. Rakhaing Razawunthaikkyan: Vol. I, p.323.

b. Dr. Forchammer: Arakan, p.6.

10.

a) Rakhaing Razawunthaikkyan: Vol. I, p.316

b) San Shwe Bu: The Story of Mahamuni, J.B.R.S., P.226

11.

a) Rakhaing Razawunthaikkyan: Vol. I, p.130, 323, 329, 331.

b) San Shwe Bu: The Story of Mahamuni, J.B.R.S., P.226, 227, 228

c) Dhanyawadi Razawunthaikkyan, p.118.

d) Dr. Forchammer: Mahamuni shrine in Arakan, p.265.

e) Rakhaing Sgabre Razawun (Palm scripture in Arakanese), "Za" Sheet.

f) Sara Ngame Razawun and Rhihoung Razawun (Manuscript copy from palm
scripture).

12.

a) Dhanyawadi Razawunthaikkyan, p.120.

b) Rakhaing Sgabre Razawun, (Palm Scripture), "Zau" Sheet.

13.

a) Dr. Forchammer: Mahamuni Pagoda, p.6.

b) U Nyo Mya: Koombaung Shapoondaw, "Mahamuni History", p.155.

14. Rakhaing Sgabre Razawun (Palm scripture in Arakanese), "Lau" Sheet.

15. Ibid. (Twelve towns of Bengal are (1) Gatapalan (2) Kana (3) Chittagong (4)
Padikhara (5)

Tilinga (6) Comilla (7) Barisal (8) Moksuja (9) Dacca (10) Ganga-Sagara (11)
Rounphru and (12)

Sylhet.

16. Ibid.

17. Rakhaing Razawunthaikkyan, Vol. I., p.241.

18. U Nyo Mya: Mahamuni History, p.155.

19. Rakhaing Razawunthaikkyan, Vol. I., p.243

20.

a) Rakhaing Sgabre Razawun (Palm Scripture), "Taw" Sheet.

b) Rakhaing Razawunthaikkyan, Vol. I, p.244.

c) Dhanyawadi Razawunthaikkyan, Vol. I, p.277.

21.

a) Rakhaing Sgabre Razawun, (Palm Scripture), "Htan" Sheet.

b) Rakhaing Razawunthaikkyan, Vol. I, p.270.

c) Rakhaing Razawunthaikkyan, Vol. I, p.276, 279.

22. Rakhaing Razawunthaikkyan, Vol. II, p.276, 279.

23. Ibid.

24. Arakanese Year (A.E.) English Year:

1. Thanku 1. April

2. Kasone 2. May

3. Nanyone 3. June

4. Waso 4. July

5. Wakhaung 5. August

6. Tawthalunn 6. September

7. Wakywat 7. October

8. Tansaungbone 8. November

9. Nattaw 9. December

10. Pratho 10. January

11. Taboohtwe 11. February

12. Taboung 12. March

Note: The Arakanese months are not fixed with English months every year as
mentioned in the

table.

*( A.E. = Arakanese Era )

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THE STORY OF MAHAMUNI

By SAN SHWE BU
(J.B.R.S Vol. 6, Part3. 1916)


The great outstanding feature in the history of Arakan is the account of Buddha's sojourn in this country and of his supervision over the casting of his image. The story of his seven day's visit with five hundred Rahandas--- his lengthly discourse pregnant with prophesy delivered on the top of the hill opposite the town of Kyauktaw-- His Journey into the city of Dynnyawaddi at the request of King Sanda Thurya--- the casting of the image by men and gods, have been very clearly set fourth by the able researches of the late Dr. Forchammer and need hardly be mentioned again in the present sketch. The Mahamuni tradition is the oldest of the kind we have. It permeates the whole religious history of Arakan and the images that at present sanctify a thousand temples and pagodas in this country are the replicas of the first great and only faithful copy of the Master.


Interesting as all these facts may appear there is however one great flaw which defies any attempt at reasonable explanation. King Sanda Thurya ascended the throne of Arakan in 146 A.D_ all available records are pretty well clear on this point. If we take 483 B.C as the date of Buddha's death there is a very large gap of over six hundred years between the two events, viz:_ his sojourn in Arakan and his death at Kusinara. This is a very big thing to explain away and judging from the extreme paucity of documents that treat of those far-away days. I am inclined to think that the problem is one likely to be added to the long list of unsolved riddles of the universe. It is true books belonging to this country have a fatal defect, that they represent facts and beliefs at the time they were written, or acquire the from in which we now find them, without much reference to facts at the time at which they are supposed

to have happened. Besides this Burmese books especially bear unmistakable signs of being treated, that is to say, they often take up an important event, enlarge upon it, and then relate how it was prophesied_ generally by Buddha_many centuries before.

In spite of these adverse peculiarities of the East I entirely agree with the learned Doctor that the Mahamuni Tradition is not an after-thought. It is genuinely old and was implicitly believed in by successive generations that came after it. Kings of Arakan, even after they had shifted their capitals to various other places, always recognised it as a sacred duty to visit it from time to time and generally made it the occasion for great religious feasts of charity. In such cases they invariably left some votive offering, may be a small shrine or an image, as a memento of their distinguished visit. On the other hand it is not my purpose here to try and reconcile this great discrepancy in time as I am convinced of the utter futility of the task. The very fact that neither Buddha nor any of his five hundred Rahandas who accompanied him into Arakan ever made mention of this unique event in the many subsequent discourses delivered in India is sufficient to tempt one to lay down the pen so far as this point is concerned.

My scheme in the present work is simply to trace the history of this famous image from the time of its installation on a small hill close to the ancient city of Dannyawaddi till it was finally carried away to Mandalay by Bodawpaya of Burma . So this is really a continuation of the story begun by Forchammer but in which I propose dealing with principal events only. After the sacred image was finished and suitably installed it was allowed to remain undisturbed for a period of over nine centuries. During that time it became the religious centre of the kingdom and all its neighboring states. Its fame spread far and wide and it so worked on the envy of the Burmans that much of the early wars between these two people were actuated by the sole desire on the part of Burmese kings to remove the image into their country.

In 1078 A.D.Min Bhi-lu of Arakan was killed by a noble who usurped the throne. Min Re-baya the heir apparent fled with his family and took shelter at the court of Kyan-sittha of Pagan. The fugitive prince remained in exile for twenty five years during which time a son was born to Min Re-baya and is known in history as Let-yar-min-nan. It is true that Kyan-sittha promised to restore the royal fugitive to the Arakanese throne but the lack of suitable opportunity prevented that monarch from redeeming his promise. On the death of Min-Re-baya Alaung-si-thu who had already succeeded his grandfather determined to place Let-yar-min-nan on the throne of Arakan. To carry out this object he sent 100,000 Pyus and an equal number of Talaings both by land and sea into Arakan.

There was some show of stub-born resistance at first which the more disciplined troops of Burma gradually but surely overcame. Thus Let-ya-min-Nan came unto his own in 1103 A.D. and as the Pyus were instrumental in bringing this about he is also known to the Arakanese as ysLwmodef;rif; (the king created by the 100,000 Pyus). When these soldiers had accomplished their task and just on the eve of their departure for Burma they visited the shrine of Mahamuni. There they found it so richly stored with gems and gold that overcoming all religious scruples they began to despoil the temple of all its vast wealth. From the image itself the Pyus scooped out the greater portion of the back, the Talaings cut off the whole right leg and carried away these treasures into their country__ a distinct fulfillment of Gotama's dicta.

When Let-yar-min-nan came to Arakan the capital was Ping-tsa. On his astrologers advising him that the city was no longer fit for occupation because all its good fortune had departed, he found the new city of Parin. Fifty years after this Da-tha-raza ascended the throne. The new king was powerful and just and the country enjoyed general peace and prosperity. Following the example of all pious kings who went before him he decided to visit Mahamuni. His Ministers were sent in advance to make the necessary preparations for his stay there. But they return with the information that the temple could not be found. He then entrusted these men with his personal jewel instructed them to give away as reward to any person or persons who could direct them to sacred spot. After much trouble and by the assistance of two Mros they found the place__ the men being rewarded as ordered by the king. When news of the discovery reached the royal ears he immediately set out for the place with his entire court. The image was found in the ground buried up to the neck. The right leg and the greater part of the back were missing. The shrine was completely destroyed by fire. The king at once saw the exposed nature of the place. He knew that its general isolation among the hills was the too frequent cause of the shrine being desecrated by the wild tribes who made periodic visits of plunder into these parts. He therefore conveyed the image by water into the ancient city of Dinnyawaddy.

The chronicles tell us that invitations were then issued to all the neighbouring kings and princes to visit Arakan and share with him the supreme merit to be acquired by undertaking the entire repairs of the most sacred image and shrine. The gathering of ruling princes was a representative one. First they repaired the image itself by supplying the missing parts. Then they erected the shrine on which were lavished all the skill, energy and resources they could command. In the building of the surrounding walls the work was proportionately divided between the different races that were present. Thus some were asked to carry out the work on the east of the shrine, some to the south and so on. The temple and the walls were decorated with exquisite carving. The latter contained human figures representing all the races of the earth. There is no doubt about it that this second building of Mahamuni was a great historic event. What little is left of it at the present day amply proves it. The spot selected was a small hill at the north east corner of the city. The nine kutis of treasure left buried by king Sanda Thurya was also unearthed, removed and buried again at the northern end of this hill. The stone slab placed on the mouth of the pit was so immense that a thousand men, say the chronicles, would not even be sufficient to shift it from the place. The whole thing was finished in seventy-one days.

Several races undertook to visit the temple once in every three months for the purpose of carrying out such minor repairs as were considered necessary from time to time. But some of the tributary tribes were given definite work to perform and were required to always leave behind certain persons to guard the place. The details of the allotment of such specific duties were also recorded in stone tablets at the four cardinal points. These records no longer exits in their usual places though I am told they were there until quite recently by an authority of no mean repute.

In the closing scene of its variegated history Bodawpaya of Burma comes in__ a fit character for a fit occasion. After his final conquest and so- called pacification “solitudinem faciunt pacem appellant” he directed the famous image to be conveyed into Burma. This was accomplished in the year 1785 A.D.. The excess of patriotic fervor led some people a few years ago to declare that the real image was lost in the creek close to the site in the course of its removal and that the soldiers fearing the king’s wrath took away a substitute. Attractive as this country proclaims the image that now adorns the Arakan pagoda at Mandalay to be the genuine one.

It will be seen that the present account deals with the principal events only. But it must not be supposed that during the long interval between these epochs the image and the shrine were allowed to remain in peace. The frontier tribes such as the Chins, the Mros and the Saks periodically descended from their mountain homes and harassed the kingdom whenever it was known the ruler of the country was weak or incapable. On such occasions they always made it a point to visit the shrine and after taking away all the riches it contained they invariably set fire to it. Whenever this happened the then reigning king would fourth with rebuild it and make good the loss. In the chronicles this occurs with painful regularity.


What seems to me to be rather a curious fact is that even at the time of Da-tha-raza, towards the middle of the 12th century, this well-known temple and image could not be easily found. At the present day none of us has any idea of the original site though the chronicles describe the place pretty clearly. I think there are two reasons to account for this. In the first the names of hills and creeks in familiar use in those days are no longer employed now; and the daily occupation of all our time in western education and per suits has so alienated our interests that it has become almost impossible for us to identify the old names with the present ones. Secondly the abundant rainfall so favors the rapid growth of vegetation that the few years of neglect is sufficient to entirely cover up any structure with dense jungle. But whatever the true reason may be it would be tremendously worth our while to discover this spot as there is no knowing what interesting archaeological finds we may come across.

Read more...

Trinco temples under Arakan Bhikku's by Bandu de Silva

Controversy surrounds the origins of the temples at Trincomalee where today a modern Hindu Kovil, popularly called Koneswaram has been set up. Though a tradition is quoted in support of the antiquity of the modern Hindu temple dating to the time of a mythical ruler named Kulakoddayan, after the Portuguese Captain General Azavedo destroyed the old temple complex and his successor Constantine de Sa removed the material from the destroyed temples to build a fortalice overlooking the bay, nothing remained there except the Bodhi tree where occasionally offerings were made by different people to their respective deities.

This Bodhi tree like the Bodhi tree at Killiveddi in Trincomalee district (Sansoni Commission Report) and in the Jaffna peninsula (Guruge), was destroyed between 1956 and 1964. The observations by Alexander Alexander, the first British writer (1805) who was a gunner in the Trincomalee garrison in his two volume book, makes no mention of temples in his time but a small church and people performing some rites from time to time at a spot close to the sea and a young man being ordained which is obviously a reference to an ordination of a Buddhist monk (samanera). He also saw a temple nearby where the occupants looked very austere and on the walls of whose gloomy looking building were paintings of crocodiles (Makara designs?).

The accounts of the temples given by Fernao de Queyroz, the 17th century Portuguese chronicler based on records left by the Jesuit priest Francis Xavier, who had visited the place and the fathers of the order of Francis and others, which are the first available European observations on the temples, religious practices of the place and about those who were in possession of the temples, make it abundantly clear that the place destroyed by Azavedo and de Sa was a temple complex that was under the chief Buddhist monk (Mahaterunnanse) of Arakan (Rakkhanga-desa in Sinhalese texts) and was administered on the spot by another monk (Terunnanse) of lesser standing and his Ganzes (Ganinnanses). The latter were samaneras or monks in training. Queyroz makes the observation that it would take about 20 years before one could reach the status of a Terunnnanse. Another description gives a post-Portuguese origin to the word Ganinnanse in that they were not fully ordained and wore white robes to evade persecution by the Portuguese after the latter prohibited Buddhist monks and teachers visiting territories under their control. Another explanation is that Ganinnanses were laymen who remained in (white) robes in order to claim temple property which became hereditary in the family. (Tradition recorded in the Kandyan perod; also see by E. R. Sarachchandra).

Trincomalee-Arakan connection

The Buddhist connection between Arakan and Sri Lanka from around the 14th century onwards has been the subject of several scholarly studies by Sir D. B. Jayatileke using the Sinhalese text Curnika (British Library and Colombo Museum), Dr. P. E. Fernando (University Review, 1959 using the same sources) and Dr. Lodewijk Wagenaar, Director of Hague Archives, (RAS Journal, vol. XLVIII) and by the present writer (RAS Academic Sessions 2006). My efforts were directed to the evidence furnished by Queyroz which the other three writers had missed in their studies and which has been selectively used by Tamil scholars (e.g. S. Pathmanathan) suppressing the major part of Queyroz’s evidence which is not supportive of the Tamil tradition.

The known Arakan connection commenced with the founding of Maruk-U in 1433 as the last capital of Arakan “when the Golden Age of Arakan Theravada Buddhism saw the import of many copies of Tripitaka which were placed around the image of Mahamuni“. A replica of the Sacred Tooth Relic from Sri Lanka was also placed at Andaw Stupa during the reign of Min-Bin (1531-71). According to the Mahavamsa the link with Arakan was maintained even during the time of Vimaladharmasurya I (1592-1604) who, reversing the process after the Portuguese onslaught on Buddhism, successfully sent envoys to Arakan to invite bhikkus to come to the island to celebrate the much needed Upasampada and bring over Ven. Nandicakka and other monks. Vimaladharmasuriya II also sent a successful mission to Arakan (1693) and invited Ven. Santana to come over. The Colombo Museum Curnika Pota and the British Museum Rakkhangasasana Curnikava and Mahavamsa give some information about the three missions made to Arakan for this purpose. King Kirthi Sri Rajasimha like Parakramabahu VI of Kotte turned to Siam after this source dried up due to political turmoil.

An explanation for the connection of Trincomalee with Arakan, to which Queyroz refers for the first time, is not forthcoming from other sources. Queyroz mentions that the state (of Trincomalee) and the maritime areas including the surroundings of the temples (pagode) was subject to Mahaterunnanse of Arakan and the temples were administered by the Ganzes of the “Sect of Budum” who were subject to him; who also received the produce of lands at “Tambalagama and Gantale”, while a Vanea shared the administration of the interior. He states further that the chief of the Ganzes who was a Terunnanse, a man of around 40 years, was converted by Francis Xavier during his visit to Trincomalee. The events described by Queyroz fall between the historical space between 1533, around the time Francis Xavier could have visited Trincomalee and 1623/4 when Constantine de Sa built the fortalice there using the stone work of demolished temples.

The power of the “Ganzes of the sect of Budum” over the Vanniya is demonstrated by Queyroz’s reference to the fact that when he became a convert to Christianity he was stoned to death by the people of the former.

Analysis of evidence

There is no reason to doubt the accuracy of the testimony of Queyroz which is based on information left behind by Francis Xavier and the fathers of the order of St. Francis who were in Trincomalee and others. It is the first detailed account on Trincomalee from a Western view that has come down to us. His account of the temples, their possession and administration and the nature of worship conducted there do not correspond with the popular Hindu tradition surrounding them but, obviously, provides an alternative dimension of the real state of affairs during the 16th and 17th centuries from the perspective of an observer who had no partisan interest in the local controversy over the temples. There is no reason for him or his sources to have ignored the Hindu tradition on the Koneswaram temple in preference to what he presented, had such an ancient Hindu tradition been present at the time. Significantly, even the name Konesar or Koneswaram does not appear in Queyroz’s record though he mentions other temples in India by name such as Ramessaram, Conjeevaram, Tripati, Tremel, (Bisnaga), Jaganati, and Vixante but he calls Trincomalee more popular than other temples and describes it as Rome of the Gentiles. Why the silence on the part of the Portuguese chronicler about the name of the temple complex at Trincomalee (he was so meticulous about details) had it been then known as Koneswaram?

This does not mean that he calls it by its Buddhist name either, but he is quite clear when he refers to the “Idol of Budum” (Buddha) in this place where sacrifices were made and emphasises that the temples were administered by the “Ganzes of the Sect of Budum” whom he says were more numerous in the country and were under a Terunnanse who was subject to Mahaterunnanse of Arakan, that the place was associated with Buddhist worship.

He repeats this in another place adding emphasis. He even makes a distinction about the areas of jurisdiction of the Mahaterunnanse and the Vanea when he says that the former held the state including the surroundings of the temples (pagodes) while the Vanea shared the area. Elsewhere he puts it less ambiguously when he says the Vanea was the lord of the interior of the country, for as we said, the maritime lands were subject to the Terunnanse (book 2, p. 245-6). Queyroz knew enough about Hinduism and Buddhism and the practioners of the two religions, Brahamins and Terunn-anses/ Gansez respectively, so as not to mix up the two, as his long discourses about the two religions show. He even refers to “Jadecas” (Yakdessa as translated by Fr. S. G. Perera) who evidently performed the sacrificial ritual and not to Brahamin priests whom one would expect to be associated with temples of Hindu worship.

The circumstances of the close relations established between Sri Lanka and Arakan during the height of prosperity of Kotte which reached a peak around 1433 when Maruk-U became the capital of Arakan and continued during the rule of Vimaladharmasuriya I of Kandy, are also in favour of Trincomalee having been under the strong influence of Arakan Buddhists. Parallels are found at Buddha Gaya when the kings of Myanmar played a key role as benefactors of that premier Buddhist centre. For example, in 1412, King Dhammacetiya of Pegu sent a contingent of craftsmen under a Sri Lankan merchant to Buddha Gaya to worship the temple and make plans for it (Ven. Dhammika: Buddhagaya).

A few remaining archaeological finds including the Padhanagara built by Aggabodhi V (8th century), the trunk of a stone Buddha statue and a better preserved “Buddha Pada” stone lying nearby would confirm Queyroz’s version (Sirisaman Wijetunge: Hela Urumaya and evidence on location).

Nature of worship

The other evidence that Queyroz furnishes concerns the nature of religious worship conducted at Trincomalee. The evidence points to more than a single type of ritual. He refers to three temples of which the one on the highest eminence was the principal one. The one nearest to the sea was given to a sacrificial ritual. The third temple does not figure in the descriptions.

The principal shrine was what attracted the mariners when they spotted it from a distance from the sea. One should not be off the mark if one concluded that this particular shrine was dedicated to a deity venerated by seafarers as it had been usual around the sea ports around the island and in other lands. An object for worship of seafarers could have attracted equal attention from mariners of different nations and faiths as the shrine at Devinuvara attracted in the 15th century (demonstrated by the trilingual inscription found at Galle) shows. The shrines at Kataragama, Adams Peak, Madhu and St. Anthony’s Church at Kochchikade are other examples of multiple participation in worship.

Considering that it was a time when a number of powerful and resourceful kingdoms had sprung up in the rest of South East Asia, commencing from Arakan and including the Pegu, Aramana, Sukhotya, Sailendra kingdoms, Sri Vijaya, Champa, Majpahat and others, and that the centre of political gravity had passed into his region (except during the period of the rise of imperial Colas), many of which were Buddhist kingdoms practising Mahayanic Tantric forms introduced from Bengal, it could be expected that links with Sri Lanka and South India and Bengal were maintained by the dynasties which ruled over these lands.

The construction in 1005 AD of a Buddhist temple at Nagapattana in Coromendal coast in South India named Chulamanivarmavihara by a king from Sri Vijaya and Kadaram (Kedah in Malaya peninsula) to which the Cola king Rajaraja dedicated a village for its maintenance, was a good example of this intercourse. Even earlier, Balaraja, another Sailendra ruler, maintained close links with South India. Later, when Colas became hostile to these kingdoms over issues of trade, Trincomalee which was under them could have played a role in the expeditions sent there.

Under the Sri Vijaya kingdom, Avalokitesvara worship became the most popular form of worship. Many examples of this Bodhisatva sculptures have been discovered all over South East Asia as far as the Philippines. Even earlier, this popular form of Bodhisatva worship especially among mariners spread even to East Africa during Kushana times as seen from hordes of Kushana coins discovered here. Trade and religious links between Sri Lanka and the South Eastern kingdoms continued during the hey day of Polonnaruva rule and we see the links continuing during the Dambadeniya rule and later Kotte and Kandyan rule. The Mahayana form of worship which commenced in and around Trincomalee in the time of king Mahasena (3rd century) became more identified with Avalokitesvara worship during the time of its popularity in South Asia. Trincomalee as the southern most port which served the commercial link with these kingdoms, came under Avalokitesvara worship in a big way. Apart from the fragments of remains of sculptures at Trincomalee, there is host of archaeological remains now exhibited at the National Museum in Colombo (also exhibited by UNESCO in Paris and London as part of the Cultural Triangle project), and of Tara, the consort of Avalokitesvara (note the famous image in the British Museum), to support the presence of Avalokitesvara worship in the Trincomalee area from 7th century onwards.

Tantrism which originated in India, first in the Yogacarya school of Buddhism and in which Nalanda where Vajrabodhi who introduced it to China played a big role (he spent five months in Sri Vijaya on the way to China), took root in South East Asian kingdoms. The Buddhist bairava worship cult as seen from such statues as a Heruka from Biaro Bahal II in Padang Lawas, King Adityavarman in the shape of a Buddhist bairava and others point to the extent to which Buddhism underwent change in these parts under Tantric influences.

The relevance of this discussion is to inquire if a cult of worship of deceased rulers of the island concentrated at Trincomalee as Queyroz refers to. The human sacrifice (as offered to goddess Kali or Durga) that had been practiced at shrines on the rock over the sea at Trincomalee (the closest to the sea), which Queyroz refers to as sepulchers of deceased rulers, could have existed side by side in bairava form as was practiced in Java.

According to Queyroz’s evidence, there were two types of sacrifice at Trincomalee. One was the where devotees “throw themselves down in sacrifice to their idols reaching the bottom in pieces being persuaded that by that leap into Hell they are lifted up to the Paradise” (Book 1, pp 66-67). The other sacrifice he refers to on the authority of Antonio Monis Baretto who was sent by Francis Xavier to help Bhuvanekabahu VII in his wars against Sitawaka and Kandy and to convert the King, was to the latter sacrificing 300 men captured in the war against Sitawaka to “the idol of Budum” (Book 2, p. 274). It can be reasonably assumed from Queyroz’s description that the second type of sacrifice could also have taken place to the idol in the shrine closest to the sea from where others sacrificed themselves rather than at the shrine which received the veneration of the mariners even though Queyroz refers to the second sacrifice as one made to the “idol of Budum”. This aspect was dealt in the earlier article “Trincomalee: Where the Spirits of Ancient Lankan Kings Roam” (The Island, 23rd December 2006).

(http://www.island.lk/2006/12/30/satmag1.html)

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Bangladesh:The history of Arakan, its religions

Source: Plus News Pakistan

Among the 7 Union States of Burma the Rakhine State or the Arakan is the immediate neighbour of the Subcontinent. There might have been some contacts between Arakan and the Subcontinent since the first dynasty of the Arakanese. Buddhism and the Pali language used in Buddhist Canons came very early to the Mons, Arakan and Pyus, much earlier than the emigration of the Burmese in the country which is now Burma. Pyu, Mon and Burmese/Arakanese scripts were based on the South Indian scripts.

The Rakhaings (Arakanese) traditionally believe that they are the descendants of the Sakya Sakis the race from which Lord Gautama Buddha came. Most historians and anthropologists, however, say that they belong to the Tibeto-Burmese groups.

The Arakanese (Rakhaing/Rakhine) believe that their ancestors had to chase out the demon-like beings (most probably Negrito tribes) before they established their first kingdom. After that the people had to be very united to repel the invasions of the tribes they chased out. That's why they named themselves Rakkhita People. The Pali word Rakkhita means „the one who protects his own race. And therefore their country was called „Rakkhita Mandala' and later deviated to 'Rakkhita Mandaing' and then to 'Rakkha Mandaing'. The word Arakan is therefore a derivation of Rakkha Mandaing - Rakhaing - Arakhaing - Arakan.

There is another hypothesis: The Sanskrit word rakshasa, Pali rakkhaso can be translated as the demon of water or an ogre-like being living in water. That's why the etymology of Arakan can be traced as a Sanskrit or Pali words A-Rakkha Desa (The Land which is now free from the Demons). The word Arakan is therefore a derivation of A-Rakkha Desa - A-Rakkhan - Arakan. Sir Arthur Phayre as well as Col. Henry Yule and A. C. Burnell's Hobson-Jobson A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo Indian Words and Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, Historical, Geographical and Discursive (First Published in 1886) supported this version too.

There is no doubt that the early kingdoms of Arakan were Hindu states. Some Hindu deities were found in ancient cities. However, Hinduism might have been replaced by Buddhism when the kings and people became Buddhists.

According to the legend of the Maha Muni Image, Arakan was already a Buddhist Kingdom during the time of Lord Buddha because Lord Buddha visited Arakan at the invitation of King Sanda Thuriya (Chandra Suriya).

U San Shwe Bu, on the other hand, wrote that King Sanda Thuriya ascended the throne of Arakan in 146 A.D, six hundred years after the Pari Nibanna of Lord Buddha. In contrast to the legend he stated that the statue was casted in the 2nd century AD.

In any case, it is safe to say that Arakan became a Buddhist Land at the beginning of Anno Domini, if not earlier. Since that time Arakan remains a Buddhist land till now and all Arakanese or Rakhaings are devout Buddhists. Nowadays, population ratio between Arakanese and Burmese may be 1:10, however if one compares the number of Buddhist temples, monasteries, monks and nuns the ratio is only 1:4. It is proven how religious Arakanese or Rakhaings were and are.

Arakan was well known to be the Land of Pagodas and Temples. There is a famous Arakanese verse: Thazun pan Khaing ta mraing mraing Rakhaing Phara paung, which was nicely translated into English verse by U Tha Hla as: The Thazun (a type of orchid) sprigs in sheer clusters, Sum the total of the pharas grandeur. According to this verse, there were 6352755 Pharas (Buddha Statues) in Arakan.

Maurice Collis described the situation of Buddhism in the year 1630 during the reign of Min Hayi (Man Hari) alias Thiri Thudhamma (Sri Sudhamma). In his book The Land of the Great Image, in page 168 where it was written: The Buddha had died in 543 B.C. Altogether 2173 years had elapsed since then, and for that immense period the image of the Founder of the Religion had remained on Sirigutta, the oldest, most mysterious, the most holy object in the world. The relics detailed to the disciples on Selagiri had all been found and enshrined. Arakan was a sacred country; it was the heart of Buddhism; and he (King Thiri Thudhamma) as its king, was the most notable Buddhist ruler in existence. Grave indeed was his responsibility. He had not only to maintain the state as the homeland of the Arakanese race, but as the one place on earth where an authentic shape of the Tathagata was preserved, a possession of greater potency than the most precious relics.

All kings of the Mrauk U dynasty, the last dynasty in Arakan, were Buddhists. Some kings had assumed Muslim Titles because, Min Saw Mun (Man Saw Muan), the founder of the Mrauk U City wanted to show his gratitude to the Sultan of Gaur who helped him regain the Arakanese throne in 1430. Hence, he promised the Sultan that the Arakanese kings would bear Pseudonym Muslim Titles. But in fact, all of the Arakanese kings were donors of many temples in Mrauk U as well as in the other parts of Arakan. They did make coins, one side with Burmese/Arakanese scripts and the other side with Persian (NOT Bengali).

For example: Min Saw Mun (Man Saw Muan), the founder of the Mrauk U City with the assumed Muslim Title 'Suleiman Shah' built seven Buddhists temples in Mrauk U. One of them was Laymyetna Phaya (Leemyatna Phara) in Mrauk U (now Mrohaung). His successor and younger brother Min Khayi (Man Khari), who had an assumed Muslim Title 'Ali Khan', erected the Nyidaw Zedi (Satee), which can be roughly translated as 'The Pagoda built by the Younger Brother'. His son and successor King Ba Saw Phru alias Kaliman Shah constructed four Buddhists temples including the Maha Bodi Shwegu Pagoda. His son Dan Ugga alias Daluya, who bore the Muslim Title Moguh Shah, was the donor of Thongyaik Tasu Temple (meaning the temple of Thirty One Buddhas). His successor Min Yan Aung (Man Ran Aung) alias Narui Shah founded the Htupayon Pagoda. Min Bin (Man Ban) had an assumed Muslim Title of Zabauk Shah; was the donor of seven temples including Shit Thaung Phaya (Shite Thaung Phara) or the Temple of Eighty Thousand Buddha Statues. Min Phalaung (Man Phalaung) alias Secudah Shah was the donor of six temples including Htukkan Thein, his son Min Yaza Gyi (Man Raza Gri) with the Muslim Title Salem Shah donated Phaya Paw (Phara Paw) Pagoda and Pakhan Thein in Mrauk U and also Shwe Kyaung Pyin Monastery in Thandwe. Min Khamaung, who subjoined the Muslim Title Hussein Shah constructed Yatanapon (Ratanabon) and Yatana Pyethet (Ratana Prethat) Pagodas and his son Thri Thudhamma (meaning the Protector of Buddhist Religion) alias Salem Shah the Second, erected the Sekkya Manaung (Sakkya Manaung) Pagoda.

The Burmese invasion in 1784, led by the Burmese Crown Prince then, was to snatch the Holy Maha Muni Image, the national Symbol of Arakan. Nowadays this colossal image can be seen near Mandalay and the statue is called in colloquial Burmese Phayagyi (Paragri), which is the direct translation of Pali Word Maha Muni. During the British Era this temple was translated as 'Arakan Pagoda'.

Many Portuguese mercenaries served under Arakanese kings since 16th Century A.D. Later, the Dutch mercenaries did the same job. So, there is no doubt that there must have been some Christians in Arakan, but almost all of them were foreigners with very few Arakanese who converted into Christianity through marriage.

According to Maurice Collis and U San Shwe Bu, in 1610 Arakanese King Razagri had appointed his younger son, Min Mangri, Viceroy of Chittagong. This prince was not in good terms with his elder brother and the crown prince then Min Khamaung, the Viceroy of Thandwe. Min Khamaung was a rebellious Prince towards his father, hence the king wanted to replace the position of the crown prince from his elder son to the younger son. However, Min Mangri made friendship with the Portuguese pirate-king Gonsalves Tibau of Sandwip Island. The marriage of Min Mangri's daughter with Tibau's son was agreed and she had to convert into Catholicism. Min Mangri had three children, two daughters and a son. In the year 1610 his son was four years old.

When King Razagri heard of this marriage and realized that this younger son was now allied with the ruffian who had treacherously seized his fleet, in 1612 Razagri sent an army under the Crown Prince Min Khamaung. Min Khamaung took this duty willingly, because his own right to become the future king was threatened. In the battle Min Mangri was shot dead and finally Gonsalves Tibau surrendered. The King of Arakan, decided to pardon Gonsalves Tibau and invited him to contrive some way of saving the young prince and his sister, who were his own grand children.

Meanwhile Min Khamaung had entered Chittagong without opposition and after attending his brother's funeral immediately called for his nephew and niece. When they were not forthcoming, he suspected Tibau, but it was not until afterwards that he learnt they had escaped to the Moghul Empire. Foiled in this, he finished his business and returned to Mrauk-U, where later in the year he succeeded his father when his father died.

Later these two children of Min Mangri were baptized by the Catholic priests. This son of Min Mangri afterwards became known as Dom Martin, a Catholic and the first Arakanese who went to Europe.

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The Buddhist Art of Ancient Arakan (REFERENCES)

By U SAN THA AUNG

REFERENCES

1) Ali, S.M. “Arakan Rule in Chittagong (1550 – 1666 A.D)” JASP (1967) pp. 333 – 351.

2) Bapat, P.V. 2500 Years of Buddhism, New Delhi, 1976.

3) Basham, A.L. The Wonder that was India, Lodon, Fontana, 1967.

4) Benerji, R.D. Eastern Indian School of Mediaeval Sculpture, Delhi, 1933.

5) Bernot, L. Les Paysans Arakanais due Pakistan Orientale, 2 vols., Paris 1967.

6) Bhattacharrya, B. The Indian Buddhist Iconography, Calcutta, 1958.

7) Bhattasali, N.K. Iconography of Buddhist and Brahamanical Sculptures in the Dacca Museum, Dacca, 1929.

8) Buler, G. “Specimens of Jaina Sculpture from Mathura” E.I. II, p. 314.

9) Chan Htwan Oung “The Mahamuni Shrine in Arakan,” JBRS, II, (1912) pp. 262 – 265.

10) Coomaraswamy, A.K. “The Buddha’s Cuda, Hair, Usnisa and Crown”, JRAS (1928) pp. 815 – 840.

11) Dani, A.H. Indian Palaeography, Oxford, 1963.

12) Dani, A.H, “Mainamati Plates of the Chandras” Pakistan Archaeology, III (1969) pp. 22 – 55.

13) Doewai, Rakhaing Razawingri, (Burmese), Palm – leaf manuscript.

14) Forchhammer, E. Papers on Subjects Relating to the Archaeology of Burma: Arakan, Rangoon, 1891.

15) Foucher, A. The Beginnings of Buddhist Art, Paris, 1917.

16) Gutman P. Ancient Arakan, Ph. D Thesis, Australian National University, 1976, Unpublished.

17) Hall, D.G.E. “Studies in Dutch Relations with Arakan,” JBRS, XXVI (1937) pp. 1 – 10.

18) Harvey, G.E. History of Burma, London, 1925.

19) Humphrey, C. Buddihism, London, Penguin Books, 1975.

20) Johnston, E.H. “Some Sanskrit Inscriptions of Arakan,” BSOAS XI (1944) pp. 375 – 385.

21) Kyeethelayhtat Sayadaw, Jinatthapakasani, 4 Vols, (Burmese), Rangoon, 1951.

22) Luce, G.H. Old Burma-Early Pagan, 3 Vols, New York, 1969.

23) Mai, U Rajawingri, (Burmese), Palm – leaf Manuscript.

24) Mya, U “A note on the Buddha’s Footprints in Burma”, ASI, (1930 – 34) pt. 2. pp. 320 – 331.

25) Nyanatiloka, The Word of the Buddha, Colombo, 1952.

26) Ojha, G.M. Bharatiya Pracina Lipi Mala, New Delhi, 1918.

27) Phayre, A.H. “An Account of Arakan” JASB, X (1841) pp. 679 – 711.

28) Phayre, A.H. “On the History of Arakan”, JASB, XIII (1844) pp. 23 – 52.

29) Ray, N. Sanskrit Buddhism in Burma, Calcutta, 1936.

30) San Shwe Bu, “The Legend of the Early Aryan Settlement of Arakan, JBRS, XI, 2, p.66.

31) San Shwe Bu , “The History of Arakan”, JBRS, XII, 3, p. 167.

32) San Shwe Bu, “The Story of Mahamuni”, JBRS, VI (1916) pp. 226 -229.

33) San Tha Aung Scripts of Arakan, 6th Century and before, (Burmese), Rangoon, 1974.

34) San Tha Aung, Anandacandra, King of 8th Century Vesali, Arakan, (Burmese), Rangoon, 1975.

35) Shah, U.P. Iconography: Jaina Art, and Architecture, Vol. III, New Delhi, 1975, p. 492

36) Smith, V.A. The Early History of India, Oxford, 1924.

37) Sircar, D.C. “Inscriptians Copper-Plate Grant from Arakan”, EI, XXXVII (1957), pp. 103 -109.

38) Sircar, D.C. “Fragmentary Copper-Plate Grant from Arakan”, EI, XXXVII (1967), pp. 61 – 66.

39) Sivaramamurti, C. Indian Epigraphy and South Indian Scripts, Madras, 1952.

40) Thin Kyi Daw “Arakanese Capitals: A preliminary Survey of their Geographical Setting, JBRS, LIII (1970) pp. 1-14.





The Buddhist Art of Ancient Arakan


A BBREVIATIONS

BSOAS = Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London.

EI = Epigraphia Indica.

JASB = Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta.

JBRS = Journal of the Burma Research Society, Rangoon.

JRAS = Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, London.

JASP = Journal of the Asiatic Society, Pakistan.

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The Buddhist Art of Ancient Arakan ( XVII )

By U SAN THA AUNG

Great Events of The Master’s Life

The Eight Scenes stele of Arakan

See Picture. Go It is made up of andagu rock which is translated as dolomite by some authors and as steatite by others. The size of the stele is 6 cm at the base and 9.5 cm in height. The arrangements of the scenes are normal.

At the top is the parinirvana scene. There is a caitya and a reclining figure on a couch. Underneath the couch, there are five mourners.

The death or parinirvana forms the last one of the Four Principal incidents of the Master’s life. When he reached his eightieth year the end came. He was at Pava, which was situated north of Vaisali. He was entertained by Cunda, a blacksmith of the town and ate a meal of rice, cakes and sukaramaddava, which cannot be translated correctly. It may be a boar’s tender flesh. After the meal he was attacked by dysentery. However, he went on to Kusinagara. On the outskirts of the town, he laid down between two sal trees and that night he died. The death or parinirvana of Buddha took place on the full moon of Vaisakha (May) as did his birth and enlightenment.

Digha-nikaya, Part II of Maha parinibbana – Sutta gave us the following last words of the Master: ‘Behold now brethren, I exhort you, saying, “Decay is inherent in all component things! Work out your salvation with diligence!”

Below this scene is an archway of peepal foliage, having five branches, shading the main figure of Buddha in Bhumisparsa mudra and in Vajra sana. The usnisa is somewhat conical. He has a forehead mark and a neck with three graceful folds (trivali). He is sitting on a double lotus throne with elephant/lion/vyala motifs under it. There was a flaming halo behind the Buddha and we can see the backrest of the throne also. This is the scene of Enlightenment. He attained this under a large peepal tree on the outskirts of the town of Gaya.

If we start from the top right, the first scene is the Descent from Tavatimsa. Here the standing Buddha is flanked by indistinct figures.

After the miracles performed at Sravasti were over, the Buddha went to Tavatimsa where he preached his true law to the god who has in the previous existence been his mother for three months. The Buddha then descended from Tavatimsa to Samkasya in the company of Indra and Brahma.

The top left shows the attempt of Devadatta on the Master’s life by using the Nalagiri elephant. The scene consists of a standing Buddha in abhaya mudra and a small elephant kneeling near the left leg.

Devadatta tried to kill Buddha on many occasions on account of his jealousy and hatred. One of the occasions was when the Master was walking through the narrow street of Rajagriha, the capital of Magadha. Devadatta persuaded the keeper of a mad elephant named Nalagiri, to let it loose in the street through which the Master was passing. The elephant charged at Buddha. But when it came close to Buddha it was subdued and it bowed down before the Master.

The middle left and right figures of Buddha are in Dharmacakra mudra and in vajra sana. As usual, the left one represents the First Sermon and the right the Miracles at Sravasti.

After enlightenment, he was in doubt whether he should preach the Dharma to the people of the world. Brahma and other gods came and begged him to do so. He then searched for some one who could understand his Dharma. His own teachers Alara Kalama and Udraka Ramaputra who could have understood were dead. He set out for the Deer Park (Mrigadava) near Varanasi Sermon to them, thereby setting in motion the wheel of the Law (Dharmacakrapravartana).

Buddha and his disciples traveled far and wide and taught his Dharma to the people. The Blessed – One’s arguments were persuasive but sometimes he performed miracles to support his claim. As a result of a challenge from rival teachers, he was said to have performed miracles at Sravasti, the capital of the kingdom of Kosala. The climax of the miracles was the Yamaka Pratiharya or twin Miracles. Here he made fire and water issue simultaneously from his body and preached to the audience from the four cardinal points simultaneously.

The lower right scene is the scene of Nativity, that is, the birth of Buddha. It consists of a standing female figure holding on to a branch of a tree over her head with her right hand had a standing child to the left of the female. On the right of her there are two indistinct figures which cannot be identified. The female figure is Buddha’s mother Maya devi, the tree is a sal tree representing the Lumbani garden near Kaplilavastu. The child is Buddha.

Maya devi, the queen of the Sakyas, was traveling from Kapilavastu to Devadaha, her parent’s home for her confinement, On the way she gave birth to her child in the Lumbani grove between two tall sal trees. At birth he was supposed to have stood upright, to have taken seven steps and to have spoken: “This is my last birth – henceforth there is no more birth for me.”

The lower left scene is the scene of Parileyyaka retreat. Here Buddha is sitting in pralambanasana that is, sitting with the legs hanging with almsbowl in lap receiving the offerings of Elephant or Monkey.

According to Jinatha pakasani, Buddha went to Parileyyaka forest alone after finding his monks in dispute over a small matter. The forest was seven Yuzanas away from Kosambi twon. There, in the forest a lone king elephant looked after him day and night, offering him food and protecting him from the wild animals. A monkey seeing the pious deeds done by the elephant had the desire of serving Buddha. The monkey searched for some eatables to offer to the Blessed – One and found honey which it offered to the Buddha. When Buddha accepted its gift, the monkey was overjoyed and started dancing on a tree nearby. While dancing the branches gave way and it fell down on a sharp stump which was underneath and was impaled.



The above eight scenes occurred in the following eight sites.

1) Parinirvana - Kusinagara

2) Enlightenment - Bodh – Gaya

3) Descent from Tavatimsa - Samkasya

4) Nalagiri elephant - Rajagriha

5) The First Sermon - Varanasi

6) Twin Miracles - Sravasti

7) Nativity - Kapilavastu

8) Parileyyaka Retreat - Kosambi

These places are the eight chief places of pilgrimage for Buddhists. The Eight Great Events of Buddha’s life can thus be represented on a small measuring 6 cm at the base and 9.5 cm in height.

The ten scenes stele of Arakan

See Picture. Go The size of this andagu stele is 13 cm at the base and 18 cm in height.

At the top is caitya and Parinirvana scene. Figures on the left and right end of this scene appear to be holding some kind of branches. In between them and the couch are two pots holding flowers. There are three mourners below the couch.

Underneath this scene is an archway of peepal foliage. This archway also has five branches but is arranged in a different way. The foliage shades the main figure of Buddha who is in Bhumisparsa mudra and in vajra sana. He is sitting on a leather mat placed on a double lotus throne. He has the usnisa and forehead mark and is dressed in monk’s robe. The neck has the usual three graceful folds.

The double lotus throne rises on a stalk and is supported at the corners by two wide-straddling Naga kings and in the middle by two mythical figures. The upper part of the base which supports the Naga kings and the mythical figures consists of crouching elephant in the middle with lions at the sides. Below this is the lower base consisting of seven auspicious symbols out of which a prancing horse, a walking elephant and a seated figure with one hand upraised can be seen distinctly. Other figures are indistinct.

At each side of the main figure of Buddha stand two Bodhisattva. Above them the under the outer branches of the peepal tree are Mara’s soldiers attacking Buddha. At the top right, one of Mara’s daughters can be seen flying. Since the top left is broken a similar flying daughter of Mara might be there too.

At each side of the Bodhisattvas are two columns of figures in four tiers. The top three tiers of these columns present the usual six scenes. This time there are two figures for each scene. On three tiers on the left, we have the taming of Nalagiri elephant, the First Sermon at Mrigadava and Parileyyaka Retreat scenes. On three tiers on the right we have the Descent from Tavatimsa, Twin Miracles and Nativity. The lowest tier consists of the Naga Mucalinda sheltering the Buddha on the right and the scene of the fast or Dukkhacariya on the left.

It was said that a few weeks after the Enlightenment, there are a great storm in Bodh-Gaya and the rain fell in torrents for several days. During this period, a Naga king, Mucalinda by name, protected the Buddha by coiling his body around Buddha’s body and keeping his hood as an umbrella over his head. This story produces the Mucalinda scene.

The Fast or Dukkacariya was done by Buddha in the hope of wearing away his karma and obtaining final bliss. For six years he tortured himself until he was reduced to a skeleton. Yet he did not get the real knowledge. He finally realized that his fasts and penances had been useless. See Picture. Go

The two inner figures of the top tier show the standing Buddha. The outer figure of the top right scene seems to be Indra or Brahma. The two inner figures of the second tier sit in Dhyana mudra without alm bowls. The two outer figures are in Dharmacakra mudra. The two inner figures in the third tier sit in Dhyana mudra. The outer figure on the left sit in paralambana sana with an alm bowl on the lap. The outer figure on the right is a standing female figure with a child standing by her side. The left outer figure of the lowest tier, that is the fourth tier, is the figure of Buddha sitting in Dhyana mudra. Beside him is a figure kneeling in prayer. The right outer figure of the lowest tier is the figure of Buddha in Dhyana mudra sitting under the hood of Mucalinda Naga. The right inner figure is also a figure kneeling in prayer. These two figures kneeling in prayer are indistinct. But we can make out by comparing this stele with an andagu Eight Scenes, Seven Sites (Tabayin) stele presented in Plate 401 in Gordon Luce’s Book “Old Burma – Early Pagan”. They may probably be Sariputta and Moggallana.

The main Buddha image in our stele is uncrowned and is with usnisa and curls of hair. The Buddha wears monk’s robes only, whereas, the main Buddha image in Tabayin stele is crowned and wears ear pendents, necklace and torque on top of the robe of a monk on his body. Also our stele has Mara’s flying daughters on the top right and left corners and seven auspicious symbols at the base. These are not present in Tabayin Stele shown in Luce’s Book.

In his book, there are a number of Eight Scene steles which were, found in other parts of Burma. He had analyzed their functions and explained all the scenes exhaustively.

Since we have two extra scenes, viz, the protection of the Master’s body from wind and rain by Mucalinda Naga and the Fast or Dukkhacariya before Enlightenment, we call our stele as a ten scene stele. Since the two extra scenes occurred in Bodh – Gaya, the number of sites do not change from eight.

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The Buddhist Art of Ancient Arakan ( XVIII )

By U SAN THA AUNG

The Life of Gautama Buddha
In the seventh century before the Christian era, there was a small kingdom of the Sakya located in the North – eastern part of India along the southern edge of Nepal. The Sakyas were of the Ksatriya solar race. Their king at that time was Suddhodana and the chief queen was Mahamaya devi. The capital of Sakya kingdom was Kapilavastu.

One night Mahamaya dreamt that a great white elephant holding a lotus blossom in his trunk entered her womb. This dream was interpreted by wise men to mean that she would give birth to a son who would either be a Universal Emperor or a Buddha.

While Mahamaya devi was traveling from Kapilavastu to her parent’s home in Devadaha for her confinement, she gave birth to her child, a son, in the Lumbani grove between two tall sal trees. At birth the baby was supposed to have stood upright, to have taken seven steps and have spoken: “This is my last birth – henceforth there is no more birth for me”. This happened on the full moon day of Vaisakha (May,) 623 B.C. This is the First Principal incident of the Master’s life.

The boy was named Siddhattha, or one whose purpose has been fulfilled. His family name was Gautama by which he was referred to in Buddhist literature.

An old sage, named Asita, visited the new— born child and predicted that a savior had come to the earth for the salvation of the people. The other sooth sayers prophesied that he would become a Universal Emperor.

Maya devi passed away seven days after the birth of her child and the child was nursed by his mother’s sister Mahaprajapati Gautimi.

To prevent the prophecy of his becoming a Universal Teacher from coming true, his father reared him in delightful palaces and took great precautions not to let him know the sorrows of the world. He thus grew up in luxury and led a sheltered life from which the world’s miseries were hidden.

As a student he learned all the arts that a prince should learn. When he grew into a young man, he married his cousin Yasodhara after winning her in a contest of arms.

In spite of all the efforts of his father, he saw the “four signs,” an old man, a sick man, a dead body and an ascetic. At the sight of each he asked his charioteer the meaning of what he saw. These sights and the answers he obtained from the charioteer made him ponder deeply. He realized that all men must grow old, fall sick and die. These were the miseries of existence. The ascetic, peaceful and calm, showed him a way of escaping from them. He could never forget the four signs.

One morning he learnt that Princess Yasodhara had given birth to a son. That night there were great festivities. The dancing girls after performing their dances fell asleep on the floor of the dancing hall in unbecoming postures. Prince Siddhattha sat up in bed and saw his women lying around like corpses. He sat meditating for a while and then made up his mind to leave the palace that night. He went to the chamber where Yasodhara was fast asleep with the baby in her arms. After having caught a glimpse of them he turned away. He woke up Chhandaka, his charioteer, and asked him to saddle his favorite horse Kanthaka. He then rode away towards the forest unknown to any body else. The rejoicing demigods cushioned the fall of this horse’s hooves so that no one should hear his departure.

When he reached a place far from the city he discarded his royal robes and cut off his long hair and sent them back to his father through Chhandaka. He put on a hermit’s robe provided by an attendant demigod and became an ascetic. He was twenty nine years old at that time. This was the Great Renunciation.

He left his home, wife and child to meditate on human suffering, it’s causes and the means by which it could be over come. He first went to a teacher Alara Kalama and then to another named Udraka Ramaputra He learned from them the technique of meditation and all else that they had to teach him. But his quest for Truth was not attained. He moved on and reached a place near Bodh Gaya.

He was not convinced that men could obtain liberation from the miseries of the world by mental discipline alone. He found five ascetics who were practicing the most rigorous self-mortification in the hope of wearing away their craving and he joined with them. For six years he practiced rigid austerities and resorted to different kinds of self-torture and was reduced to a skeleton. See Picture. Go

He aimed at a spiritual experience in which all selfish craving is extinct and with it every fear and passion. He wanted to reach a stage in which there is neither old age, nor disease, nor birth, nor death, nor anxieties and no continue renewal of activity.

His self-tortures became so severe that one day, being too weak, he fainted. After a while he recovered consciousness, and realized that his fasts and penances were useless, and this was not the way to achieve enlightenment. He decided to take food again and his body regained its strength. The five ascetics who recognized him as their leader left him in disgust.

One morning, while he sat beneath a large Bodhi tree on the outskirts of the town of Gaya, Sujata, the daughter of a rich merchant, brought him a bowl of rice boiled in milk. After accepting the food, he bathed in the Niranjana river. Then he ate the food and spent his midday in a grove of sal trees on the river bank. In the evening he went back to the Bodhi tree. On his way he met a grass cutter who gave him a bundle of grass. He spread the grass at the foot of the Bodhi tree and sat in meditation. He made a solemn even that he would not leave his seat without attaining enlightenment, even though his skin and bones should waste away and flesh and blood dry up.

For forty-nine days he sat beneath the tree meditating ardently. During this period, Mara, the Buddhist devil approached and tried to shake Gautama’s resolve by temptations of all kinds. He attacked Gautama with whirlwind, tempest, flood and earthquake. He attacked using his demon army, shooting arrow, throwing stones, and using all sorts of weapons. He then challenged Gautama to produce evidence of his goodness and benevolence. At this, Gautama touched the ground with his hand, and called on the mother earth as a witness. The great Earth roared and sound with a deep and terrible sound: “I am his witness”. Mara then used his three beautiful daughters, Desire. Pleasure and Passion, who tried every means of seduction. But Gautama sat firm and meditated more vigorously. At last Mara gave up the struggle leaving Gautama alone.

At the dawn of the forty-ninth day he attained enlightenment. He had found the Law of Causation, a cycle of twelve causes and effects conditioning the universe. That is, he had found out that the world is full of suffering and unhappiness of all kinds, and also what man must do to overcome them. Thus his understanding opened and he attained enlightenment. This is also called Illumination or Sambodhi. He was thirty five years old then. This is the Second Principal incident of the Master’s life. This again took place on the full moon day of Vaisakha (May).

As the attained bodhi or supreme knowledge, he became a Buddha and he referred to himself as Tathagata.

The newly awakened Buddha met two merchant brothers Taphussa and Bhallika, who offered the Blessed One some food. Buddha broke his fast by eating the food and gave the two brothers some strands of his Hair for them to worship when they reached their home land.

For a while he was in doubt whether he should preach the Dharma to the people of the world. The god Brahma himself descended from heaven and persuaded him to do so. He then searched for someone who could understand his Dharma. His teachers Alara Kalama and Udraka Ramaputra, who could have understood, were dead. He set out for the Deer Part (Mrigadava) near Varanasi (Sarnath) where his five former disciples had settled to continue their penances. He preached his First Sermon to them, thereby setting in motion the wheel of the Law (Dharmacakra – Pravartana). This is the Third Principal incident of the Master’s life.

Buddha collected a large number of disciples among who were Sariputra and Moggalana who were revered in the circles of the Buddhist, order as second only to the Master himself. Buddha and his disciples traveled far and wide and taught his Dharma to the people of those places. The Blessed – One’s arguments were most of the time persuasive but sometimes he had to perform miracles such as the miracles at Sravasti. In course of time he became wellknown throughout North – East India. He had many followers whom he gathered together into a disciplined body of monks or Sangha (called biksus in Sangha (called biksus in Sanskrit and bhikkhus in Pali). They had a common discipline. Many stories are told of his long years of preaching. The Sangha continued to increase in strength. He allowed the formation of a community of nuns at the request of his foster mother Gautimi.

Buddha’s cousin Devadatta tried to kill Buddha on many occasions on account of his jealousy and hatred.

For about forty five years Buddha and his sangha traveled from place to place, preaching to people of all walks of life. The greatest kings of the time favored him and his Sangha.

He was in a place near Vaisali during the last rainy season of his life. After the rains he and his followers journeyed northwards. On the way he arrived at the town of Pava where he was invited by Cunda, the blacksmith, to a meal. He ate “sukaramaddava” which may have meant boar’s tender flesh and was taken ill with dysentery. Despite his illness he moved on to the nearby town of kusinagara. Here on the outskirts of the town he laid down between two sal trees.

He asked the weeping Ananda, the devoted disciple and constant companion of the Buddha, not to weep, telling him that from all that. One loves One must part. He told Ananda that the doctrine he preached will be Ananda’s master after he himself has passed away. According to Digha – nikaya of Mahaparinibbhanasutta, Buddha’s last words were quoted as follows: “Then the Blessed – One addressed the brethren, and said: ‘Behold now, brethren, I exhort you, saying, “Decay is inherent in all component things; Work out your salvation with diligence! “This was the last word of the Tathagata!”

After uttering the last words, his spirit sank into the depths of mystic absorption. When he had attained to that degree where all thoughts, all conceptions had disappeared, when the consciousness of individuality had ceased, he entered into the mahaparinirvana. This is the Fourth Principal incident of the Master’s life. This end came at the age of eighty in 544 B.C. This incident also took place on the full moon day of Vaisakha (May) as did his birth and enlightenment.

His body was cremated and the ashes were divided between various groups of his disciples. Eight Stupas were built over those divided ashes by the various recipients in different parts of India

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The Buddhist Art of Ancient Arakan ( XIX )

By U SAN THA AUNG

The Evolution of Buddhism in India

Immediately after the parinirvana of the Buddha, a large number of monks led by Mahakassapa gathered at Rajagriha, the capital of Magadha, under the patronage of Ajatasatru, to recite Buddha’s teachings. This was the First Great Buddhist Council. The Vinaya Pitaka, the rules of the order, as prescribed by the Master, was recited by Upali, one of the chief disciples of Buddha, as recollected by him. The Sutta Pitaka, the collection of the Blessed – One’s sermons on the matters of doctrine and ethics were recited by Ananda, the devoted discriple and constant companion of Buddha.

There seemed to have no written records of the teachings at that time and they were handed down from mouth to mouth by reciting and memorizing. Thus the teachings were preserved through memory.

A Second Great Council was held at Vaisali about one hundred years after the parinirvana of Buddha. It was held in the reign of King Kalasoka, a descendant of Ajatasatru. The Venerable Yasa led the Council. This council resulted in a schism among sanghas over ten points of monastic discipline. The orthodox Sthaviravadins (Pali Theravadi) won in this case and the Mahasanghikas seceded from the orthodox sanghas.

The Thirds Great Council was held at Pataliputra under the patronage of the great king Asoka (276 B.C). This council resulted in the expulsion of many heretics and false monks from the sangha community and also in the firm establishment of the Sthaviravada School. Tissa Moggaliputta led the council and succeeded in restoring the original teachings of the Buddha. It was at this council that the Abhidhamma Pitaka was supposed to have been added.

The Fourth Great Buddhist Council was held in Kashmir under the patronage of the great kusan king Kaniska (1st – 2 nd century A.D). The Sarvastivadins, another sect of orthodox Buddhists, were strong in this region and the sect’s doctrines were codified in a summary called the Mahavibhasa. This council made Sanskrit the language of Buddhist scriptures.

New ideas were developed from the Sarvastivadins and the Mahasanghikas which were to form the basis of the division of Buddhism into the Lesser Vehicle (Hinayana) and the Great Vchicle (Mahayana).

These were the Four Great Councils held in different parts of India after the parinirvana of Buddha. Scriptures of Buddhism developed by a long process covering several centuries, and many sects of Buddhism’s which formed in course of time in the evolution of Buddhism, the “Four Noble Truths” and the “Noble Eightfold Paths” (Refer P 76) are accepted by all sects as basic tenets of Buddhism.

The Lesser Vehicle (Hinayana)

The Buddhism of the Lesser Vehicle is a religion without souls and without God. Buddha was a man, not God, a teacher and not a savior. His supreme insight was gained by his own efforts. He was only a guide who had pointed out a way from the world of suffering to a beyond, the undying, and those who follow the path of liberation may also cross to the wisdom beyond.

Buddhists believe in the round of rebirths – Samsara. In page 14 of “The word of the Buddha” by Nyanatiloka, the word is defined as: Samsara the wheel of existence, lit, the ‘Perpetual Wondering’, - is the name given in Pali scriptures to the sea of life ever restlessly heaving up and down, the symbol of this continuous process of ever again and again being born, growing old, suffering, and dying. More precisely put: Samsara is the unbroken sequence of the fivefold Khandha-combinations, which, constantly changing from moment to moment. Of this Samsara, a single life time constitutes only a tiny fraction”.

The goal of every Buddhist is to attain Nirvana, which is a state where one becomes free from sensual passion, freedom the passion of ignorance, free from the passion of existence, free from Samsara.

There are three different ways to attain nirvana. The disciples can attain nirvana through Arahatship. The two other ways are to become Pratyekabuddha or the Supreme Buddha. Pratyekabuddhas attain full enlightenment but do not teach the Dharma to others. The supreme Buddha attain full enlightenment and teach the Dharma to others. In order to become a Pratyekabuddha or a Supreme Buddha one has to request a living Buddha to grant the boon of being allowed to become such a Buddha. These three ways lead different type of beings, with different intellect, to nirvana.

To attain Arahatship there are four stages. Before going to these stages we need to recognize the ten ‘Fatters’ samyojana-by which beings are bound to the wheel of existence. They are (1) Self Ilusion (Sakaya – ditthi), (2) Sceptism (vicikiccha) (3) Attachment to mere Rule and Ritual (silabhataparamasa), (4) Sensual Lust (Karma raga), (5) Ill-will (vyapada), (6) Craving for Fine Material Existence (ruparaga), (7) Craving for Immaterial Existence (arupa-raga), (8) Conceit (mana), (9) Restlessness (Uddhacca) and (10) Ignorance (avijja).

One who is freed from the first three Fetters is called a Sotapan, i.e, one who has entered the stream leading to nirvana. This is the first stage. One who has overcome the fourth and the fifth Fetters in the grosser form, is called a Sakadagam. This is the second stage. One who is freed from the first five Fetters is called an Anagam. This is the third stage. When one is freed from all the ten Fetters he becomes an Arahat, a worthy man. This is the last stage.

The Buddhists of the Lesser Vehicle believed in a cosmological scheme based largely on the prevalent Indian ideas. The universe is cyclic with Buddha cycles and empty cycles. We live in a Buddha cycle of five Buddhas (Bhadrakalpa). Out of the five Buddhas four have already taught in this world, the last one being Gautama Buddha. A fifth is yet to come. The four passed Buddhas were Krekucchanda, Kanakamuni, Kasyapa and Gautama. The future Buddha is Maitreya who is at present passing the life of a Bodhisattva in the Tusita heaven, preparatory to his descent to the earth in human form. He is supposed to come to the earth full 5000 years after the parinirvana of Gautama Buddha for the deliverance of all sentient beings.

The Pali canon of the Sthaviravadins consists of three sections called pitakas. They are known as the Vinaya Pitaka (Rules of the order), Sutta Pitaka (the Teachings or Sermons) and Abhidhamma Pitaka (a complex mixture of metaphysics, psychology and mind development).

The Sutta Pitaka is divided into five “Groups” (Nikaya). One of the Groups, “Khuddaka Nikaya,” contains the Jataka Stories. These stories are usually described as histories of the previous lives of Gautama Buddha as a Bodhisattva. In these stories the Buddha is shown to have done many deeds of kindness and mercy in a long series of rebirths as a Bodhisattva before he achieved the final birth as Gautama Buddha. This collection of myth and legend contributes greatly to the Buddhist art up to the present day. They are also among the most important ethical teachings.
Text Box: Back

Arakan Library was founded by a group of Arakan Action Association (AAA) in exile in Thailand from Burma in 2007 doing to voice for the knowledge, the people democratic and human rights.

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The Buddhist Art of Ancient Arakan ( XX )

The Buddhist Art of Ancient Arakan

By U SAN THA AUNG



Happiness and sorrow exist in this world. Happiness means lucky, successful, possessing or enjoying pleasure or good. Every human being likes to be happy. But in some form or other sorrow is inevitable in every aspect of life. Man, weak as he is, is subjected to sickness, old age and death. Contact with unpleasant things, separation from pleasant things and not getting what one wants are all painful. From all that he loves man must part. Nothing is permanent.

Buddhists believed in the conception of the world as samsara, a stream without end, where the law of Karma functions. All beings are subject to rebirth, decay, disease, death, and again rebirth. The process is continuous.

The doctrine of the Chain of Dependent Origination or the Chain of Causation (Patticca – samuppada), a series of twelve causes and effects; explain this chain of rebirths or the wheel of existence.

Avijja – paccaya sankhara: “Through ignorance conditioned are the sankharas,” i.e., the rebirth producing Volitions (cetana) or karmaformations.

Sankhara-paccaya vinnanam: “Through the karmaformations (in past life is conditioned Consciousness (in the present life).”

Vinnanapaccaya nama – rupam: “Through consciousness are conditioned the mental and physical phenomena (namarupa)”, i.e., that which makes up our so called individual existence.

Nama – rupa – paccaya sajayatanam: “Through the mental and physical phenomena are conditioned the 6 bases.” i.e., the 5 physical sense organs and consciousness as the sixth.

Sajayatana – paccaya phasso: “Through the 6 bases is conditioned the (sensorial and mental) impression.

Phassa – paccaya vedana: “Through the impression is conditioned feeling.”

Vedana – paccaya tanha: “Through feeling is conditioned craving.”

Tanha – paccaya upadanam: “Through craving is conditioned clinging.”

Upadana – paccaya bhavo: “Through clinging is conditioned the process of becoming”, consisting in the active and the passive life process i.e., the rebirth producing karma-process (kamma bhava) and, as its results, the rebirth process (Uppathibhava).

Bhava – paccaya jati: “Through the (rebirth producing karma) process of becoming is conditioned rebirth.”



Jati – paccaya jara – maranam: “Through rebirth are conditioned Old age and death (sorrow, lamentation, pain, grief and despair. Thus arises, this whole mass of suffering again in the future).”

The highest goal of a man should, therefore, be the stage in which there is neither birth, nor disease, nor fear, nor anxieties, nor old age, nor death, and in which there is no continuous renewal of activity.

Buddha meditates, for six years, on the human suffering; its causes and the means by which it could be overcome. He had found the secret of sorrow, and understood at last why the world is full of suffering and unhappiness of all kinds, and what man must do to overcome them. He pointed a way from the world of suffering to a beyond, the undying, and those who follow the path for liberation may also cross to the wisdom beyond. The goal is to attain Nirvana, which is a state when one becomes free from sensual passion, free from the passion of ignorance, free from the passion of existence, free from Samsara.

The Sermon of the Turning of the wheel of the law, which Buddha preached to his first disciples, the five ascetics at Varanasi, is the kernel of Buddhism. This contains the “Four Noble Truths,” and the “Noble Eight – fold Path” which are accepted as basic categories by all Buddhist sects.

The voluminous writings of Pali Canon, which consists of three sections called ti-pitakas or three pitakas, known as Vinya (Rules of the order), Sutta (the Teachings or Sermons) and Abhidamma (a complex mixture of metaphysics, psychology and mind development), in the final analyses, all lead to the Four Noble Truths. Refer page 76.

The last of the Four Noble Truths is the Noble Eight-fold Path which is the Path leading to the cessation of Pain and Sorrow.

Now, we are shown the Path. How shall we traverse this Path? From where shall we start? The following is the method usually practiced by Theravada Buddhists.

Out of the three pitakas the largest is the sutta pitaka, which is divided into five “groups” (Nikaya). They are: -

1. Digha Nikaya, 2. Majjhima Nikaya, 3. Samyutta Nikaya, 4. Anguttara Nikaya and 5. Khyddaka Nikaya.

The Dhamapada, a part of the Khuddaka Nikaya of the Sutta Pitaka, has in the Pali version 423 verses divided into 26 chapters. The verses of the Dhamapada were believed from very early times, i.e., from the period of the First Council which settled the Canon, to have been the utterances of the Buddha himself.



Verse 183 of the Dhamapada states

“Sabbapapassa akaranam

Kusalassa upasampada

Sacittapariyodapanam

Etam buddhana sasanam”



We may translate the verse as follows.

“To abstain from all evil,

To do good deeds,

To purify one’s own mind,

These are teachings of all the Buddhas.”

To abstain from all evil

All evil mean evil courses of action (akusalakammapatha). They are ten in number and are called ten duccaritas. They are:-

Kaya kamma 1. Panatipata (destruction of living beings)

(bodily action) 2. Adinnadana (stealing)

3. Kamesumicchacara (unlawful sexual intercourse)

4. Musavada (lying)

Vaci Kamma 5. Pisunavaca (tale – bearing) (slander)

(verbal action) 6. Pharusavaca (harsh language)

7. Samphappalapa (frivolous talk)

Mano kamma 8. Abhijjha (covetousness)

(mental action) 9. Vyapada (ill – will)

10. Miccha ditthi (wrong views)

All these actions are unwholesome. They all cause to unfavorable kamma results and contain the seed to unhappy destiny or rebirth. He who does these actions, if reborn as man, will be short lived, afflicted with diseases, ugly looking, poor and needy and born of parents of inferior or mean lineage, i.e., of low descent.

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Arakan,a Buddhist Kingdom of Southeast Asia

It's not easy to collect information, record and thesis regarding about history and culture of Arakanese in Burma. In my personal point of view, there are only a few scholar that they are willing to public in Myanmar language. Therefore, when I study about Arakanese history and historical art objects, most of references are from foreign sources that done by foreigner. I would like to share one of the best talk by Jacques Leider which is full of resources and knowledges. It would be most appreciates that you comments something for this talk.

Original Link @ http://www.intgcm.thehostserver.com/diary2002_230th.html
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230th Meeting – Tuesday, November 26th 2002
Arakan, a Buddhist Kingdom of Southeast Asia
A talk by Jacques Leider

Present: Dianne Barber-Riley, Mark Barber-Riley, John Cadet, Kate Callahan, Bill Dovhey, Roshan Dhunjibhoy, Leo A. Von Geuson, Peer Hijmans, Carole Hernandez, Otomi Hutheesing, Maggie McKerron, Ranee Lertleumal, Brian Migliazza, John Moncreif, Niels Mulder, Nicole Ngo, Mark Osborne, Pierre Quartier, Emmanuelle Richaud, Ian Ross, David Steane, Duang Tan Le, Alix Txe, Michael Vickery, Ricky Ward, Arthur Wright. An audience of 26.
The full text of Jacques Leider’s talk.

1. The geographical setting and the population
Starting on Bangladesh’s eastern border, Arakan covers the stretch of land which runs south to Cap Negrais where we reach Lower Burma. Arakan's heartland is the fertile plains of the Kaladan and the Lemro River running in a north-south direction towards the Bay of Bengal.

The classic Pali name of this area is Dhanyawati, which means rich in grain, and indeed, rice cultivation has always been the backbone of Arakan's economy. A striking feature seen on any topographic map is the mountain barrier which separates Arakan from the Irrawaddy valley. This is the Arakan Yoma running down from the Himalayas in a north-south direction. It is a mountain range densely covered with jungle forest. Passes crossing the Yoma were few and they needed to be cleared, roads had to be repaired and taken care of annually. Monsoon rains in Arakan are among the heaviest in the whole of Southeast Asia and can reach a level of over 5 metres or 16 feet per year. Climatic conditions render coastal navigation difficult for many months of the year. Nonetheless, when you are in Arakan it is easier to go to Bengal than to Burma. The study of Arakan's history and culture can only be undertaken if we pay attention to its close connection with Burma, Bengal and India at large.

Who are the contemporary inhabitants of Arakan? Like everywhere else in Myanmar, we face a complex situation. The so-called Arakanese nowadays form the majority of Arakan's multi-ethnic population. They are a Tibeto-Burman group closely related to the Burmese and they speak a Burmese dialect with archaic features when you compare it with the modern Burmese language. Scholars generally consider that the Burmese settled in the Kyaukse area in Upper Burma during the ninth century AD. So the Arakanese may either have arrived earlier or roughly around the same time, being merely a branch of the Burmese in ethno-linguistic terms.

Hill tribes like the Mro, the Daingnak, the Kami and the Cak are Tibeto-Burman as well and likely settled in the country before the arrival of the Rakhine-tha, as the Arakanese call themselves. The British annexed Arakan after the First Anglo-Burmese War (1824-1826). During the early colonial period, there was a heavy influx of Muslim Indian labour, coming mainly from Chittagong. This led to a demographic imbalance, notably in the border areas with Bengal where, since the 1920s, the Indian Muslims formed an overwhelming majority of the population. This situation led to communal and political problems that have not been solved up to now. It is possible that the Muslim population of Indian origins now forms roughly a third of Arakan's population.

2. Early History of the Kaladan and Lemro valley (Central Arakan)
The early history of Arakan is still largely a blank spot on our map of Southeast Asian history and has as yet not attracted sufficient scholarly attention. While many studies have been dedicated to the Indianization of Southeast Asia by way of the sea, there has been barely any effort to understand the connection by land between India and Burma. Arakan is obviously one of the frontiers between South Asia and Southeast Asia and thus should recommend itself as an interesting field of study. The land connection involves for example the question of how Indian Buddhism expanded into Burma and what forms of exchange and communication between Burma and India passed by the land route, i.e. through Arakan.

Our actual knowledge of the early history of Arakan is restricted to the Upper Kaladan valley. Traces of settlement in this area go back to the 2nd century AD. Attention of local scholars and archaeologists has focused on the site of Vesali where excavations were undertaken only twenty years ago. It is probable that Vesali was for some time the centre of a local chiefdom that flourished between the 4th and the 8th century AD. Our knowledge of the civilization of Vesali is based on the archaeological evidence of the foundations of brick buildings, a city wall and a surrounding moat, on iconography, and coins bearing the srivatsa symbol and occasionally the name of a king.

In terms of political and dynastic history, our most precious source is a list of kings given on the so called Anandacandra stone pillar placed near the Shit-taung pagoda in Mrauk U, the later capital. Besides a succession of legendary kings, the Anandacandra inscription contains a list of kings who reigned between the fourth and the seventh centuries AD. They all bear titles which included the name of Candra. These Candra kings were very likely related to the Candra dynasty of Harikela in southeast Bengal.

Hinayana and Mahayana forms of Buddhism and possibly Brahmanism coexisted in Vesali. We can only speculate on the population of this early kingdom. It is reasonable to assume that they were of Aryan stock and probably mixed with a local Tibeto-Burman population. At what time exactly the Arakanese or Rakhaing as they call themselves, immigrated and settled in Arakan is, as I previously said, a matter of further research, but it could be tentatively dated to the 8th or early 9th centuries AD. Were there any Mon in this area? Do Pyu coins found in Arakan suggest that there were Pyu people living in Arakan? We do not know. The problem is similar to the one we face elsewhere in Southeast Asia, for example the arrival and progressive settlement of the Thai people in the river plains of Thailand. Did they conquer the country? Did they peacefully mix with the already established population? Did they arrive by waves or they trickle down south? And so on. As for Arakan, we simply do not know.

Local dynastic lists, as found in the Arakanese chronicles, reach back to a legendary king Marayu who would have lived in the 3rd millennium BC. The strong feeling of religious identity of the Buddhist Arakanese has developed around the myth of the Mahamuni statue. According to Pamela Gutman, an Australian scholar who did research on the early Arakanese history, the Mahamuni is a statue of the Buddha, probably Mahayanist, and dating back to the 4th to 6th century AD. For most Arakanese, though, it is an unshakeable article of faith that during the lifetime of Lord Buddha,

King Candasuriya of Arakan invited the Buddha to Arakan. The Enlightened One flew through the air and descended on Mount Selagiri near the modern Kyauktaw village where King Candasuriya requested the favour of having a true to life copy made of the Buddha. The veneration of the Mahamuni by the Arakanese and the importance of this paragon statue for the Arakanese monarchy for centuries is next only to the prestige and the status of the Phra Kaew in Thailand. In one way or another, the Arakanese have always ascribed a magical power to the sheer presence of the Mahamuni statue on their soil and so the fate of their kingdom was, in their perception, intimately linked to the statue. In 1785, the Burmese, led by the son of King Bodawphaya, conquered Arakan and deported the statue to Upper Myanmar.

The history of Arakan from the 9th to the 13th centuries AD is still hidden in the dark. It is generally referred to as the Lemro period. Lemro means 'four cities' in Arakanese, and indeed this is the period of a succession of four cities whose names were Pin-sa, Pa-rein, Khreip and Laung-krak. Lemro is also the name of the river along which these cities were situated. Apart from the last one of these cities, not much is known of the other ones, where there have been no archaeological excavations at all. There has been as yet no serious study of the chronology of the period. We have at the moment only various dynastic lists whose dates do not match each other.

The greater part of the 14th century, for example, is covered by the reign of a king who is said to have reigned for a total of 106 years (Min Hti 1279-1385).

This period runs parallel to the rise and splendour of Pagan in Upper Myanmar. Tilman Frasch noted that the inscriptions of Pagan contain hardly any useful information regarding Arakan. In the later chronicles, it is said that King Alaungsithu of Pagan invaded Macchagiri, which could possibly be identified with northern Arakan, but even if we accept this evidence, there is little more that could be said about the matter. At least one of the Arakanese chronicles also refers to an intervention of King Alaungsithu, but one can hardly interpret this single fact as a sign of Pagan hegemony.

The study of Bengal's history, too, does not provide hard facts that could, even partly, dispel the mist surrounding Arakan's history during these centuries. As Pagan art and architecture are so much indebted to the Pala art of Bengal, it is not so far fetched though, to believe that there were likely direct contacts made between Upper Myanmar and Bengal which involved Arakan as well. We know very little about the kingdom of Patteikhaya situated in the area of Chittagong and from where King Kyanzittha received a bride.

It is also not so far fetched to consider that Buddhist monks fleeing the progress of the Islamic expansion found a refuge in Arakan and Upper Myanmar, as they did during an earlier period in East Bengal and Assam. Muslim power in Bengal was established in the 13th century, but while the Buddhist university of Nalanda may have died a sudden death, it is likely that Buddhist communities in East Bengal stayed on for a longer period and could have ultimately repaired to Burma and Arakan, where Buddhism was strongly established.

3. The Rise of a Kingdom: Arakan's Age in the Bay of Bengal
The emergence of a kingdom - 15th and early 16th c. (1404-1531)
The mist surrounding Arakan's early history gradually disappears at the end of the 14th century as the historiographical sources, though written later, contain slightly more factual information on the reigns of the kings. We also have various dynastic lists, some references in the Burmese chronicles, coins and a few inscriptions. But much information regarding the early kings of the so-called Mrauk U dynasty is legend and myth. There are clearly facts behind these legends, but to state them in clear terms involves some degree of speculation.

At the end of the 14th century, the political situation in the capital Laung krak had deteriorated and the kings of Ava succeeded in appointing, at least for a few years, a member of their own royal family to the throne of Arakan. In 1406, an army sent by Ava invaded the country, the Arakanese king ran away, and the Burmese appointed a governor. But this man was ejected a few years later when Mon troops sent from Pegu (in Lower Burma) took control over the country.

This situation, when Mon and Burmese kings fought for control over Arakan, lasted until around 1426, when the king who had fled the Burmese invasion twenty years earlier, came back. He came back allegedly with the help of Muslim fighters. As there are no contemporary Bengal sources available, we do not know if these Muslim troops were mercenaries or if they were indeed provided, as an Arakanese chronicler wants us to believe, by the Sultan of Bengal. (Sultan Jalal-ud-din). As these later chronicles contain even more unlikely stories surrounding this king, official support from the Sultan of Bengal is doubtful.

The king we are referring to was Min-co-mwan, who then became king for the second time around 1426. In 1430, he founded the city of Mrauk U, which remained the capital of the Arakanese kingdom until 1785.
The successors of King Man-co-mwan enlarged their territory along the coastline to the north-east and to the south where Mon governors under the authority of Pegu were probably still in charge until the middle of the 15th century.

These Arakanese kings also fought the hill tribes of the Sak in the north. Sak is the name of an ethnic group of northern Arakan which is now very small. I believe that the term as used in the chronicles refers to the Tripuras of Eastern Bengal. Slowly these Arakanese kings grew more confident of their power and were able to deal on a par with their neighbour kings of Ava. In 1454, the Arakanese king met his counterpart from Ava and they agreed on a common border, the watershed of the Arakan Yoma, the mountain range which separates Arakan from Burma.

From the second part of the 15th century on, the Arakanese kings were also taking part in the struggle for the control of the port-city of Chittagong. Their competitors were the Sultan of Bengal, the local Muslim governors and the kings of Tripura. At the end of the 15th century and during the first part of the sixteenth century, Chittagong was the most flourishing port of the sultanate of Bengal. We are rather well informed about the importance of Chittagong, which received its first visitors from Portugal around 1516.

The Portuguese sailors and chroniclers called it Porto Grande and many of them who did not want to live under the control of the Estado da India based in Goa, came to settle there.
In relation to the rest of Bengal, Chittagong was situated somewhat on the periphery. Unsurprisingly this situation allowed its local governors to be relatively independent and the 1521 description of the Portuguese embassy to Bengal clearly demonstrates that a cosmopolitan elite of Muslims coming from the Middle East and Western India unselfconsciously dominated the city.

This point needs to be emphasised as Chittagong lay closer to Arakan than to the greater part of Bengal and when the Arakanese succeeded, three decades later, in firmly controlling the city, it had for them an incomparable strategic advantage and became of major economic importance.

Stepping out of Bengal's shadow (1531-1571)
Up to the early 16th century, the small kingdom of Mrauk U grew in the shadow of the great and prestigious sultanate of Bengal. Under the dynamic reign of King Man Pa (1531-1553), Arakan developed a profile of its own and clearly demonstrated its strength, its pride and its ambitions.

Man Pa attacked southeastern Bengal and probably succeeded in maintaining Arakan's sway over Chittagong for several years. Unfortunately the indigenous sources on Man Pa eulogise the king's military expeditions to a point that makes it rather difficult to say when, and up to where the Arakanese troops actually marched. It probably happened around 1539 or 1540. After this date, the Decadas da Asia of Diogo do Couto, (Portuguese chronicles) are suddenly silent regarding Portuguese activities in the area of Chittagong. On the other hand, the unstable political situation in southeast Bengal, and notably in Chittagong in 1538 and 1539, makes an Arakanese invasion at that time likely.

In 1545/1546, Man Pa successfully resisted a Burmese invasion, by land and by sea, led by the first emperor of the Taungngu dynasty, Mintayashweti or Tabinshweti. We would be going too far to state that the Arakanese won the battle against the Burmese. It was rather their skilful defence system that helped them to dissuade the Burmese from staying in the country. The defence system comprised of a system of dykes and water reservoirs that flooded the surroundings of their capital, and also, the city was defended by an intricate combination of the natural protective shield of the surrounding hills and successive ranges of brick walls, artificial lakes and stonewalls.

According to the Arakanese sources, in 1534 the king also successfully beat off a Portuguese armada. To celebrate his success, he founded, it is said, the Shit-thaung pagoda. This pagoda remains until today the most important sanctuary of Mrauk U and its architecture demonstrates a strong influence of Bengal's 16th century Muslim architecture.
There is no doubt that the invasion of Bengal and the resistance against the Burmese invaders, firmly established the kingdom's reputation in the region. But the confusing account of battles led by Man Pa's successors against Tripura and the local Muslim lords of the Chittagong area shows that Arakan in the middle of the 16th century was only one among several more or less equal competitors. This changed at the end of the 16th century.

The Age of the Warrior Kings (1571-1638)
I have called the decades from 1571 to 1638 the age of the Warrior Kings as war and expansion are the hallmarks of this period. During the successive reigns of three kings, Man Phalaung, Man Rajagri and Man Khamaung, Arakan vastly expanded its territory. During the early seventeenth century it succeeded in controlling the whole coastal strip from the Feni River, far north of Chittagong, down to Cape Mawdin/Negrais, the southwestern tip of Lower Burma. It threatened both Eastern Bengal, which was frequently invaded, and Lower Burma.

In 1576, an important year in Indian history, the troops of the Mughal emperor Akbar conquered Bengal and put an end to the independent sultanate of Bengal. This conquest destabilised the political order in south and eastern Bengal. Afghan Muslim lords fled with their troops to East Bengal, many local lords, Hindu or Muslim, resisted the conquerors, so that despite the annexation, the Mughals had to struggle for three more decades before they really controlled the whole country.

Bengal was weak and the Arakanese kings immediately seized the opportunity to renew their control over Chittagong. This time they maintained their power over the flourishing port-city. From approximately 1578 to 1666, Chittagong was the most important port of trade of Arakan and a pillar of its economic life. The export of locally made textiles, slaves captured from all over Bengal thanks to annual slave-raids, salt, sugar-cane, elephants from Arakan's jungles, and rubies coming over the Arakan Yoma from Ava, ensured a flow of income which the earlier kings had never known. This newly found wealth further stimulated the territorial ambitions of the kings.

In 1580, merely two years after occupying Chittagong, King Man Phalaung successfully resisted a new attempt by the Burmese to conquer Arakan. Bayinnaung, the Burmese Napoleon, the conqueror of Ayutthaya in 1569, failed dismally. The chronicles don't elaborate, but the reasons for this failure were probably the same as the first time. The Arakanese successfully ruined the progress of the Burmese troops who finally negotiated their retreat.

About twenty years later, in 1598, King Man Rajagri, the son of King Man Phalaung, allied himself with the king of Taungngu (in Central Burma) and laid siege to Pegu, the capital of the Burmese empire. Pegu fell. The Burmese emperor Nandabayin, who for over a decade had bled white the rural countryside to conscript men, mostly Mon, into the armies he sent against Siam, was deported to Taungngu and sometime later executed. The Arakanese king, quite rapidly, had returned home with a white elephant, a princess and other members of the royal court of Burma, and thousands of Mon, who were resettled in the Kaladan valley. But when the King of Siam, Naresuan, invaded Lower Burma to get his share of the booty, the Arakanese came to help the King of Taungngu's relatively weak forces. They sent another fleet to cut off the waterways so that the Thais, lacking provisions, were forced to retreat.

Probably around the same time, the Arakanese took advantage of the power vacuum in Lower Burma and occupied the port-city of Syriam, one of the three main Burmese ports integrated in the Bay of Bengal trade network. As the Arakanese king did not feel himself able to revive the flow of trade that had been hit by several years of warfare and severe depopulation, he entrusted Syriam to one of his Portuguese captains, Felipe de Brito y Nicote. De Brito had been in the service of the Arakanese king for twenty years, and now he saw the opportunity to make himself independent. He went to Goa, asked for the help of the Estado da India and returned not only with a daughter of the Vice-king, but also with a promise of future military support. Basically he had to count on his own forces, but in a way he had redeemed himself with regard to the Portuguese crown and with official backing, he could reject the authority of the Arakanese king. In 1602, de Brito was firmly in power, a power based on a bunch of fellow Portuguese countrymen, on alliances with local Mon lords, and probably also on favourable terms to revive the local trade. As a matter of fact, the Arakanese who had hoped to derive some profit from this trade and from the control of Syriam came out as the big losers. In 1605 and 1607, the Arakanese sent fleets and tried to regain control over Syriam, but on both occasions their fleets failed to get the better of the Portuguese artillery and the newly erected stone fortifications. But in 1613, the Burmese troops of the King of Ava successfully attacked Syriam and put an end to de Brito's mini-state. A Portuguese fleet sent from Goa arrived late and could not prevent the disaster. It was unable to help de Brito, who was soon executed by the Burmese, and his surviving men, who were deported to the region of Shwebo in the north. On Arakan's northeastern frontier, the king faced a comparable situation.

On the island of Sandwip lying at the mouth of the Meghna River to the northeast of Chittagong, another Portuguese captain, who, unlike de Brito of Syriam had never been at the service of the Arakanese king, behaved as an independent lord. His name was Sebastiao Tibau and for the Arakanese he was, for a number of years at least, more of an annoyance than a threat.

Just like de Brito, Tibau appealed to Goa for help to maintain his local power. When the fleet sent by Goa to save de Brito in Syriam failed to do so, Tibau called for their help to attack the capital of Arakan and thus take control over the whole country. In 1615, the Goan fleet took the lead in the attack and sailed up the Kaladan River. But as the Arakanese were well prepared and had the support of two Dutch ships, the Portuguese fleet failed dismally. The year 1615 marks the end of more than a decade when Portuguese captains were able to shape events in the region.
These details explain why at the time and for succeeding decades, Portuguese communities still flourished along the coast of the northeastern Bay of Bengal and why Portuguese mercenaries became an essential part of the troops of the Arakanese kings.

Arakan's rise was possible because of the weakness of its neighbours at the end of the 16th century. But in the 1620 and 1630s, the Mughals had full sway over Bengal and a new reinvigorated Burmese kingdom had taken root around the capital of Ava. So any further expansion of Arakan was impossible. Arakan lived under a constant threat by its hostile neighbours, but this threat did not jeopardise Arakan's regional hegemony towards the end of the 17th century.
Contentment and prosperity (1638-1692)
In 1638, a former minister, Narapati, took power and gave rise to a new dynasty on the Arakanese throne. This happened, curiously, in the year 1000 of the Arakanese Era (sakkaraj). The new king spent several years to firmly establish himself on the throne. But this dynastic break did not fundamentally change the policy of the Arakanese kings.
What were the human and material resources that enabled these kings to be what they were and to do what they did?
First of all, one should recall that the valleys of the Kaladan and Lemro rivers are fertile plains for rice culture, and could thus feed a large population. Rice was a staple product that became a major export item during the 17th century.

Secondly, Arakan suffered little from deportations due to invasions, unlike what happened in other parts of Southeast Asia, so that the population may have been growing over the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Nonetheless, the kings of Arakan pursued a keen policy of increasing their demographic base by deporting large numbers of Bengalis from East and South Bengal's countryside. At the end of the sixteenth century, these deportations were probably directly linked to the expansionist designs of the kings, but during the seventeenth century, they were actually at the core of a flourishing slave trade that made Arakan the main 'producer' so to speak for slaves in the Bay of Bengal.

The slave trade as such lay in the hands of the mixed Portuguese community settled in the Chittagong area. With their Arakanese crews, they sailed or rowed up the rivers of Bengal and deported the population of whole villages to Arakan's ports. The policy of the kings was such that all people who had any kind of professional qualification and technical abilities had to join the royal service groups, while all the other unqualified people were sold into slavery.

From the 1620s to the 1660s, many thousands of slaves were bought by the Dutch VOC and deported to Batavia. The Dutch would probably have bought more than they did, but hundreds of slaves often died before they even reached the Dutch ships. Ironically many of these Bengalis caught in East Bengal were sold in a market on the opposite Coromandel coast.

The Arakanese of today do not appreciate when the Burmese refer to their dark complexion as coming from their mixing with Indian blood. There is no doubt though that in the 17th century whole villages in Arakan consisted of Bengalis who were either Muslims or Hindus and worked as lamaing, agricultural service groups, on the lands of the kings.

Thirdly, after the Arakanese conquest, Chittagong maintained its importance as an entrepôt port on the eastern side of the Bay of Bengal. Besides rice and slaves, locally produced goods such as cotton textiles, sugar, salt and betel nuts were exported. As we mentioned, rubies from Upper Burma found their way over the Arakan Yoma mountain range and were exported to India. Arakanese elephants were also exported.

There was no indigenous trader class. Most traders were Muslims from South and Southeast Asia and they created the cosmopolitan atmosphere of Arakan's capital, which was described by Sebastiao Manrique, a Portuguese monk, and Wouter Schouten, a Dutch doctor, in the middle of the 17th century. On the other hand, Dutch sources make it clear that members of the royal house were involved in the export trade. Here lies one of several similarities with Ayutthaya, whose kings also had commercial assets besides their territorial i.e. agricultural wealth. (Similarities: importance of trade for the state, traders-identities, and involvement of the court)

One should not forget that, as a consequence of successful wars and invasions, the kings readily amassed a considerable fortune. One may think for instance of the booty made when Pegu was taken. If we can believe Portuguese and Italian descriptions of the early 17th century, Pegu must have been one of the richest cities in the world at the moment when the first Taungngu Empire was dismembered. One may also think of the royally sanctioned piracy that went on for decades, until the eighteenth century when Arakan lost its prestige as a regional powerhouse, but kept its image of seafaring terror.

Fourthly, the main tool of territorial expansion and defence was the Arakanese navy. In a country where rivers are the most convenient way to go from one place to another, it seems obvious that boats are the principal means of communication. In terms of military power, it was the fleet that was the main instrument of the kings' power. As in Burma, a large part of the population in Arakan was organised in royal service groups. Some would be sweepers, craftsmen, artists or farming the royal rice fields. A lot of them were soldiers and they were living with their families in villages, many of which had originally been founded for the establishment of specific royal service groups. We do not unfortunately have many details about these matters, but the case of the Mons deported in the early seventeenth century becomes rather clear through historiographical and administrative sources.

A sizable number, probably a third of the Arakanese royal forces, were not ethnic Arakanese. Besides the Mon and the Portuguese who have been highlighted, there were also Muslim mercenaries in Arakan. Some Afghan lords may have fled with their men to Arakan after the Mughal conquest of Bengal in 1576. Well educated Muslims also gained high positions at the court of Arakan. Some of them had earlier been captured by Arakanese fleets on the high seas and deported to Arakan.

The fleet manned by all these men counted several hundred and even thousands of boats and ships. Portuguese and Dutch sources do indeed occasionally talk of thousands of boats. Besides the two-masted sailing ships, probably manned by Portuguese and Portuguese mixed bloods, the main force of the Arakanese fleet were mostly sturdy rowing boats used on the rivers as well as for navigating along the coast. Their construction allowed them to survive storms. At the same time, they allowed fast movements that could surprise an enemy and thus have a psychological impact that was undoubtedly part of a well-calculated tactic for gaining an early advantage over the enemy.
In 1624, the Arakanese fleet destroyed an entire Mughal fleet lying near Dhaka. They performed a similar deed in 1664 when Bengal's government was weakened by a year of transition between two governorships. But two years later, the new governor of Bengal, Shaysta Khan, put into effect a well-planned and masterly organized military campaign to re-conquer Chittagong. In 1666, Chittagong fell.

The Mughal governor Shaysta Khan, who had also taken the lessons from the earlier Mughal failures to invade the coastal strip north of Chittagong, had bought off many Portuguese. Chittagong was lost and with it went a great part of Arakan's trade and the revenues of the kings. Arakan itself was not invaded by the Mughals, though there had been plans to do so.

It very much seems that, despite the considerable loss, the court of Arakan and the king himself were not seriously weakened during the next two decades. One may think that the royal house was rich enough to sustain the military establishment that had been created to defend the kingdom. While thousands of Bengalis tilled the rice fields of the Kaladan valley, many thousands of Arakanese settling around the capital had been at the kings' disposal to man the fortresses at Chittagong and around the city. These men had been annually shifted. Where were they to go? After 1666, after the Mughal conquest of Chittagong, the court probably faced a big problem of integrating a massive flow of people who came back to Arakan's heartland. Nonetheless the country remained stable and the royal authority did not waver until the end of the King Candasudhammaraja's long reign of 32 years. Candasudhammaraja died in 1684. A few years later, the kingdom of Arakan was in shambles. Towards the end of the century, the inner political order literally broke down because kings lacked the resources to maintain the full control of the country.

The palace guard set up kings who were puppets. Pretenders to the throne were roaming the countryside and trade was badly hit by the decline of a central political authority. This situation lasted until the early 18th century. But even if the kings then recovered part of their earlier power, the kingdom never regained its former extension and strength. It was the Burmese King Bodawphaya who in 1784 sent his troops to Arakan and took control of the country. The Mahamuni statue was taken to Mandalay. The court of Arakan, the Brahmins and many Arakanese were deported to Upper Burma as well.

6. Studying Arakan's Cultural Development
Obviously Arakan's history can just be studied for itself. But this approach may be somewhat narrow and borders in some ways on a form of self-centred local history, nationalist history or contributes to the building of a myth of Arakan. If we take a broad approach, extending our view to the neighbouring areas in the Bay of Bengal, to India, to Burma and the wider world of Theravada Buddhism, we may have a chance to get a better understanding of Arakan's unique past.

1. A cultural frontier
First, there is a tremendous interest in studying Arakan as a frontier area. It lies at the border where South Asia hits Southeast Asia. It is a part of Southeast Asia, but it cannot be studied without directly referring to Indian's culture and history and especially Bengal, which is its closest neighbour. Looking at the neighbouring regions from an Arakanese point of view, Bengal is indeed more accessible than Burma proper.

On the one hand, we have to acknowledge that Southeast Asia and South Asia are geographical and cultural spaces that can be differentiated. On the other hand, any study of a frontier like Arakan points to the fact that we are dealing with open frontiers where there is as much a coexistence of differences as a field of mutual influence and exchange. So scholars may wonder what we can know about the relationship between Arakan and its neighbours beyond the outline provided by the chronicles and other narrative sources? What kind of influences can be identified in the fields of art and architecture, iconography, numismatics, religious cults? One may focus more generally on the relations between Islam and Buddhism. Was there any kind of religious or cultural syncretism?

A number of facts are known already, but need much further investigation. The cult of the pirs, Muslim saints at places called Badr Maqam along the coast from Bengal to Tenasserim is well known, but has never received thorough academic attention. The field of Arakanese numismatics, where the influences of Bengal are clearly perceptible, needs further investigation.

In an inspiring paper, Swapna Bhattacharya from the University of Calcutta has analysed the poetry of the Muslim poets of Bengali origin who lived at the 17th century Arakanese court and could relate their work to the political context of Arakan-Mughal relations. (Dawlat Qazi and Al Alaol)

Arakan itself is a cultural ground much more complex than the historical narrative of the kings may suggest. We have to pay attention to the diversity of its population (ethnic groups), the opposition between people of the plains and people of the mountains, the differences of the conditions of people living in North and Central Arakan, closer to Bengal, and those of South Arakan, closer to Lower Burma. In the context of such an approach, the contemporary political border separating Bangladesh, India and Burma has no intrinsic meaning. Unfortunately there is no culturally sensitive dialogue or productive academic exchange between these countries, focusing on the issues outlined here.

2. Arakan as a part of Myanmar/Burma
Another approach could focus on Arakan's place in the context of Burmese history. Mon and Pyu influences have been discussed in relation to Burmese culture and history, but close to nothing has been said about the Arakan-Burma relationship. Arakan's historical development is distinct and quite original and it definitely shows many differences with the evolution in Burma proper. On the other hand, it shares with Burma many ethnic, religious and cultural affinities. Anthropologists may even reject the label of "ethnic minority" when referring to the Arakanese.

In the context of Myanmar Studies, Arakan is thus of special interest. First of all from the point of its linguistic development. Arakanese is an archaic dialect of Burmese that shows a lot of regional varieties that have not hitherto been studied. It is an Arakanese poem that is generally accepted as the first piece of Burmese literature. But historians of Burmese literature generally assume that Arakan was influenced by the Upper Myanmar kingdoms, rather than the other way around.

In ethnic terms, the Arakanese are closely related to the Burmese, but they have developed distinct cultural traits. This cultural variety has also up to now been poorly acknowledged. How much is this cultural development due to a distinct development, to a mixed ethnic and religious heritage or to the cultural impact of the neighbouring areas? Such a study is not without social and political overtones. To tell a Buddhist Arakanese for instance that the status of women in Arakan seems to have been strongly influenced by Islamic customs will speedily raise controversy.

We do not know exactly when the so-called Arakanese arrived in Arakan and how we have to imagine their invasion or penetration into Arakan. This problem raises the question of the later relations between the Tibeto-Burma population of Arakan and the emerging kingdoms in the Irrawaddy valley. At least for the last five hundred years, it should be possible to further develop the study the relations between Arakan and Upper and Lower Myanmar.
Looking at the architecture of religious monuments, there is a clearly perceptible switch from an Indian/Western influence during the 16th century to a Lower Myanmar influence starting at the latest around 1630. Mention Buddhist iconography and you find another field to explore.

Such an approach questions the nationalist approach where all history is history of the Burmese majority while local and ethnic history gets attention only when like a minor river, it flows into the greater stream of the culturally predominant. National and nationalist historiographers are successors of the colonial historiographers who were mainly interested in the history of the Burmese who had left texts and monuments, while equally culturally important or relevant minorities such as Mon, Arakanese or Karen would not deserve an autonomous existence as objects of study.
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