Learning to share A bout low hanging fruits

Day Four. Friday, 5 August 2016

A person with sweet mouth but sour bottom

One ought not live with such in the same house

(Shan proverb)

Has the peace process proceeded in strikes since the new NLD government took over? That’s the question the workshop tries to answer today.
First, the positive developments:

• It has promised a federal democracy plus amendment of the military drawn charter
• It is trying its best to include the 13 non-signatories armed movements in the upcoming Union Peace Conference, renamed Union Peace Conference (21^st Century Panglong).

Through the new government’s efforts, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an alliance of 9 EAOs (some say only 7) appears to have accepted the government’s invitation to attend the Framework Review meeting, due 12-13 August, in Rangoon. The 3 excluded movements (Arakan Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, and Ta-ang National Liberation Army) are negotiating with government representatives a public statement acceptable to both sides, after which they would be invited to join the UPC-21 PL. (There were reports that negotiations broke down while this report was being filed) The National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), a non UNFC group, has already accepted Naypyitaw’s bid to attend the Framework Review meeting. The United Wa State Army (UWSA), regarded as the strongest non-state rebel group, is also expected to join the UPC-21 PL on 31 August , if not the framework meet.

 At the same time, the workshop also points out that all these developments have come out at the expense of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) that was signed in October and ratified by the Union Parliament in December. “There was no need to bypass the NCA,” one comments. “The government could have achieved the same result by simply implementing the guidelines laid out by it.”

According to the NCA the Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting (JICM), composed of representatives of the signatories, is the highest decision making body.
The Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee (JMC), that deals with military matters, and the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) that deals with political matters, which include drafting/amending the Framework for Political Dialogue, managing political dialogues and holding the UPC, are formed by it.
The following are some, if not all, of the workshop’s observations:

• The formation of the UPC-21 PL Preparatory Committee, ostensibly to convince the non-signatories to join the process in April. “The UPDJC could have done it just as well,” says one participant.
• The dissolution of the UPDJC made up of 16 members each from the government, political parties and signatory EAOs, formed under (not by) the previous government, to appoint a new one headed by the State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, by the President.

“The UPDJC, as well as its chair, should be appointed by the JICM, if we play by the rules,” says another participant.

• The 16 members from the political parties, also under the previous government, were chosen by the parties themselves, following the principle of inclusivity, as enshrined in the NCA:

National League for Democracy                                                 2 members

Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP)                         2 members

Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD)                        1 members

Arakan National Party (ANP)                                                     1 members

United Nationalities Alliance (UNA)                                            1 members

Nationalities Brotherhood Federation (NBR)                                1 members

Federal Democratic Alliance (FDA)                                             1 members

Other Burma Proper parties                                                      3 members

Other States parties                                                                 4 members

“The government now says only elected parties are eligible, despite Article 22 pointing out clearly that they must be Tayawin (legal registered) parties,” an unhappy politician had told SHAN.

• “The form adopted under the previous government wasn’t perfect,” he continued. “Because there was little time to hold a prolonged debate. But it closely followed the principle of inclusivity.”

Another politician explained how the political parties bloc attending the UPC had chosen its 150 representatives quota:

92           representatives from 92 registered parties

22           representatives, one each from elected parties

16           representatives chosen to the UPDJC

8              representatives, chosen as advisors to the UPDJC

12           representatives, one from each of the 13 parties elected to the Union Parliament (the USDP decided to forgo its right)

The government now says unelected parties should join the CSO Forum due to be formed in the unspecified near future. “This really is an outrage,” the first politician had exploded. “The government promised it would adhere to the NCA. It’s time to prove the deed goes with the words.”

• Last but not least, the JICM has not been called since the new government took over. “Without the JICM, everything being done is illegal,” comments an EAO leader.

It seems, they say, negotiating with the elected government is tougher than negotiating with the USDP government set up by the military.
“The Thein Sein government had questions of legitimacy,” explains an academic. “So it was forced to make allowances, such as slackening the rules on the media and the political parties and initiating negotiations with the EAOs, in order to boost up its legitimacy. But the NLD doesn’t have such problems, if you overlook the fact that in most constituencies in states like Chin it had won by securing only about 20% votes (there were 12 Chin parties entering the fray).”

In addition, technical problems like lack of experience, inclination for formal  negotiations, and slow communication lines, both within and without, have been dogging the government’s negotiations, unlike under U Thein Sein.

No doubt, the government side has a lot of complaints against the EAOs too, like no longer having practically a single communication line as it did before they split into signatories and non-signatories last September.

The participants’ conclusion is that, first and foremost, both sides must return to the NCA, the only bond between the two sides, without which the peace process will become dangerously anchorless.

“You can look the other way once and it’s no big deal, except it makes it easier to compromise next time, and soon all you’ll be doing is compromising because that’s how you think things are done, “Jack Bauer, the character played by Kiefer Sutherland, tells his colleague in the popular TV series, 24, on corruption. “You knew these guys I blew the whistle on. You think they were bad guys? They weren’t. They were just like you and me, except they compromised once.”

Naturally, the next conclusion is to decide how it should be made known to the government side, ASAP. But that is another day, and another story.

Copy@
 http://english.panglong.org/2016/08/12/learning-to-share-a-bout-low-hanging-fruits/

Read more...

Despite Ceasefires Government Troops Use Tanks, Jets and Heavy Artillery – Displaced Climbs To 220,000 In Northern Burma

Kachin Independence Army soldiers at the frontline (Photo: Zen Myat/Karen News)

Armed conflict in Kachin and parts of Shan State continues, despite ongoing ceasefire talks between the Burma government and ethnic armed groups, as the toll on civilians grows.
Free Burma Rangers, a humanitarian organisation delivering frontline assistance to civilians across Burma, estimate that there were 127 armed clashes in April and May alone causing hundreds of casualties including both civilians and soldiers.
“This period has seen a major escalation in conflict with heavy fighting in the Kokang region, Northern Shan State, between the Burma Army and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army’s (MNDAA),” the FBR report.
The FBR noted that the, “Burma Army has massively increased its troop levels in the region and has engaged in major military operations, including the use of tanks, heavy artillery barrages and the alleged use of chemical weapons.”
The Kachin Women’s Association of Thailand said that the overall situation in Northern Burma had deteriorated sharply this year.
“Since February 2015, an estimated 100,000 people have been displaced from the Kokang area, adding to over 120,000 already displaced in Kachin areas since 2011.”
KWAT has documented more than 70 cases of sexual violence perpetrated by government forces since the conflict started.
Burma Army soldiers are also alleged to have murdered and robbed a 103 year-old woman and her son in an attack on the village of Mansi on March 21 this year. Since the incident villagers claim that the authorities have yet to charge anyone.

Read more...

UN Special Envoy Vijay Nambiar, Opening Speech at EAO Summit, Law Khee Lar, Kawthoolei

Speech at Opening of Ethnic Armed Organisation Summit
Law Khee Lar
2 June 2015

Distinguished Leaders of the Ethnic Armed Organisations, Respected NCCT members and delegates.

Dear friends. I am honored to be invited here today at the Ethnic Armed Organisations summit in Law Khee Lar. It is a pleasure and privilege to visit Karen State at this time. I was last at the Ethnic Armed Organisation Summit with you in Laiza.

I speak on behalf of my colleague, Mariann and myself to say we are deeply honored that we have been invited to observe the peace dialogue between the UPWC and NCCT as well as internal deliberations on both sides. I know how much work you have all put together during the past two years and how long a road you have traversed through the decades in order to reach this point. We have been deeply impressed with the commitment and hard work shown by the NCCT and TAT members. They are all proud members of your groups and their work and results of a draft NCA deserve your trust and support.

Which is why I am today giving you an urgent and direct message. I shall be more direct than at our previous meetings, because I strongly feel that at the current stage, there is not much time left to capitalise on the work you have done so diligently for so long. I will explain why I feel this is so critical and urgent.

When we entered this process it was with the intention of opening up space for ethnic groups so that they could take their rightful place at the center of national politics together with other important players. The fighting between ethnic groups and government have been going on for far too long and as a consequence the ethnic groups have remained excluded and disenfranchised in Myanmar for far too long. We all know there is no military solution to the conflict in Myanmar. The only way forward is through a political dialogue that will give everyone a voice and space to work for their political rights. The Nationwide Ceasefire is only the first step and real trust and progress can only be made through implementing a ceasefire together as well as starting a credible political dialogue. This have to be done hand in hand with other stakeholders in the country. We believe that this process has taken its first fragile steps and there is a good chance that a better future for all may emerge from this process.

But the bigger picture cannot be lost sight of. Myanmar still has a long way to go to reach its stated democratic goals. Decades of military rule have left deep scars and challenges in development as well as capacity. Handling these issues in a holistic manner can only happen if the transition is peace-ful. The success of reforms in Myanmar will depend on a sustained peace in the country. Every transition is deeply difficult and fraught with setbacks, but we cannot wait until everything is perfect. We cannot allow the best to become the enemy of the good. If we do that we may get neither peace nor democracy.

The simple point is that the future of Myanmar rests in your hands. A huge and important responsibility rests upon you all today, not only to make the choices based on what you will regard as the best possible outcome for your respective groups individually but for all of you collectively. As responsible leaders, you have already taken a strategic decision to walk down a road of a common destiny for all of you. You do not as yet have all the details of the road you will traverse or a guarantee of when you will reach all your goals but you have a reasonably good blueprint to start with.

I shall also be abrupt and say we do not know what will happen after the elections. We do not know what the country will look like a year from now.

We must be optimistic, but at the same time sitting back and hoping for better opportunities may be risky. It may also diminish the opportunity for you as leaders of the ethnic groups to be at the center of this political transition. We at the UN do see the ethnic minorities as potentially playing a major role in the power equation of a new Myanmar.

Clearly there are risks in any transition. The current government has made some promises that have long been asked for by ethnic groups as well as by the international community. Only by starting the process of a political dialogue can we begin to see if these promises can be delivered. If the process can be started before the elections and with the support of the international community, I feel there is a greater possibility to ensure that a succeeding government after the election to be willing to commit to it. But for all this to happen, time is of the essence.

As of now there may not be much time for a lengthy process before the elections. Signing an NCA and establishing a political dialogue may serve as a stabilising factor. It is critical that we get such a process started as soon as possible.

For this to happen you will require to make some concessions. You will require to move forward even while there may continue to be fighting in some areas. But my hope is that you will be able to create a forceful dynamic that will help you deal with the challenges that remain. More than that, I will say that even if there will be many risks in this approach, they are still less than the risks of delay and of missing this opportunity.

So I will ask you above all to keep your courage. And also to remember that you are doing this for your own people. Your people, especially your youth and children depend on you to bring them a better quality of life for the future. Only then will the sacrifices of your forefathers have been worth it.

The UN will lend you all the support we can muster in this process. However, if such a process were to be delayed until after the elections, even we may not be able to say with certainty what the scenario from the UN angle will be. But nailing it down now, could bring greater immediate commitment from the UN as well as the international community.

Many negative voices are heard about the peace process. Around the world we have seen peace processes carry on miserably for decades on end and cause frustration and disappointments. In Myanmar you have managed to come so, far in a such a small time, with so many stakeholders in the process. This is amazing by any standard. Let me assure you that I am proud to be here as an Observer at your peace talks.

But you need to take one more, brave leap of faith as the Secretary-General himself has told you. I hope this meeting will help you move forward in this leap of faith.

Thank you.

Read more...

Law Khee Lar EAO summit: Day to Day

Day One. 2 June 2015
17 out of 21 EAOs attend. Chairs: Mutu, N’Banla and Khun Myint Tun.

Gen Mutu Saypoe reading out opening speech, 2 June 2015.

Chair message: NCA will pave the way for political dialogue. Pragmatist approach is the driving principle for  negotiation.
Nambiar and Sun Guoxiang: as already reported by agencies.
Nai Hongsa delivers NCCT report.
Saw Mra Raza Lin reads out NCA draft.
Questions for NCCT:

• Did the NCCT have mandate?
• What if we do not get the desired outcome at PD?
• Why some articles are left to be negotiated later?
• Can the draft be changed? etc.

---

Day Two. 3 June 2015
Chairs: N’Banla, Khaing Re Khaing, Pu Lian Uk

UN special representative Vijay Nambiar reading out message to conference, 2 June 2015

Chair: Government promise for federal union has no substance, as shown by continued offensives against EAOs.
Each EAO reads out assessments and recommendations on NCA:

• change of words
• registration with an international body
• inclusiveness

NCCT response:
We have not sacrificed the principles laid down by previous EAO summits. When we could not get agreement we made a condition that it should negotiated again in future. Some NCCT members did not appear to inform their own EAOs properly. NCCT could work on what was mandated. It was not mandated to reduce armed conflicts that took place during negotiations. One reason for the NCCT to try to get a final draft at the 7th meeting was because of information that the UPWC had run out of mandate.
37 out of 40 points for the COC  (Code of Conduct) that came out of previous EAO summits are in the draft. But for JMC (Joint Monitoring Committees), more work still needs to be done.

---

Day Three. 4 June 2015
Chairs: Abel Tweed, Zipporah Sein, Kya Khun Sa

Gen N’ Banla, Chair for the second day, 3 June 2015.

Chair: Political battle will be harder than gun battle. Experience shows armed conflict will lead to no end. Political problems should be solved by political means. Equality, Right of Self Determination and genuine federal union are our common goal.
Main agenda is to go through recommendations put forward by EAOs. Copies of document combining all their suggestions is distributed.
Discussions today cover chapters 1,2,3. Hot issues include :

• Panglong spirit or agreement
• “According to the outcome of Political Dialogue”,
• “Those who should participate in Political Dialogue”
• Security related reintegration and

Hot debate follows.
Summit forms 19 person committee to lead the Summit.

---

Day Four. 5 June 2015.
Chairs: Khaing Soe Naing Aung, Dr Laja, Nai Aung Min. Chair urges summit to stick to tripartite principle.
Continues EAOs’ recommendations to amend the NCA draft:

Abel Tweed, Chair for Day Three, 4 June 2015.

• Security related reintegration (Chapter 3,Article 6)
• In accordance with the law (Chapter 3,Article 9)
• NGOs and INGOs to get government permission to assist the IDPs
• Whether COC should be included in detail in NCA text or separately
  Chinese representatives leave.

Another day of hot debate.

---

Day Five. 6 June 2015
Chairs: Khun Myint Tun, Sao Perng Fa, Khun Maha.
Chair: The NCCT has built a bridge for all of us to cross.
Nambiar calls on both government and EAOs to be flexible in order to make great changes. He leaves today.
Discussions continue:

The NCCT members, 4 June 2015.

• DDR—Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (Chapter 5,Article 20c)
• Women’s 30 percent participation

They have covered chapters 4, 5, 6. Temperature 37 degree. All will try to wind up tomorrow.

---

Day Six. 7 June 2015

Chairs: Mutu Saypoe, Nai Hongsa, Dr Khin Maung.

Today’s session manages to review all NCA chapters based on EAOs’ recommendations. No group is against signing, declares Nai Hongsa.

Day Seven is expected to touch on draft framework for political dialogue, setting up of high level supervisory body similar to the government’s Union Peacemaking Central Committee (UPWC), and the Conference statement.

Read more...

Respect each other, going to build "Federal Union"

Read more...

Ethnic Summit Confident of Ceasefire Agreement Despite Resignations

Delegates at the ethnic summit at Law Khee Lar on Thursday. (Photo: Thaw Hein Htet)

LAW KHEE LAR, Karen State — Ethnic leaders on Friday were continuing to deliberate over the draft text of the nationwide ceasefire agreement, with those present broadly in agreement that the document would eventually be signed despite the attempted resignation of three armed groups from the ethnic negotiating team.

Nai Hong Sar, chairman of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), told a press conference on Thursday that he was not yet able to set a date for the signing of the ceasefire agreement, as further amendments and additions would be needed to create a draft text suitable to the ethnic negotiating team’s members. He was optimistic that the agreement would be signed in the future, but said the NCCT’s members had determined they would not sign if any of the group’s members were excluded.“We will sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement when all members from the NCCT are able to participate,” he told journalists. “This is our general agreement, but we need to discuss further. We will not sign if the military does not accept the participation of the three groups.”

Nai Hong Sar was referring to the Arakan Army, the Ta’ang National Liberation Army and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, three groups which are currently battling the Burma Armed Forces and have been excluded from the draft text. All three armed groups submitted their resignation to the NCCT on Thursday, claiming they distrust government negotiators and feel betrayed by their ethnic counterparts, but Nai Hong Sar appeared to imply later that day that the ethnic bloc would attempt to prevent their departure.

“We could not let our members leave from the NCCT,” he said. “If we let them leave, the government will succeed in their goal to to divide and rule among our ethnic groups.”

He added that to let the three groups resign would demonstrate a lack of unity amongst the country’s ethnic armed groups and a genuine nationwide peace settlement would be unattainable.

Thursday’s attempted resignation was not the first time disunity between the various factions at the Law Khee Lar summit has boiled over into the public.

Representatives of the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) appeared to take different lines during their speeches at the conference, with the former advocating the signing of the ceasefire accord in the near future, and the latter urging a delay to consider the implications of any agreement.

Disagreements between the two ethnic groups date back to the 1990s. As a member of the National Democratic Alliance, the KIO signed a bilateral ceasefire in 1993, allowing the Burmese military to redouble its efforts against the Karen insurgents to the south. The year after renewed fighting in Kachin State broke out in 2011, the KNU signed a ceasefire agreement with Naypyidaw, allowing the military to devote its resources to battling the Kachin Independence Army in the north.

Other participants at the Law Khee Lar summit have echoed Nai Hong Sar’s call for a united front among ethnic representatives during negotiations with the government.

“If we do not have unity between us, we will not be able to find common ground on what we agree is important, which is asking the government for a real federal union,” said Arakan Liberation Party vice-chairman Khaing Soe Naing Aung during a speech on Thursday. “We should all have one voice.”

Representatives from both the KIO and the KNU insisted that all ethnic armed groups were permitted to participate in the agreement if the signing is to go ahead.

“We want to bring all members of the NCCT to sign the ceasefire agreement,” Zipporah Sein, the KNU vice-chairwoman, told The Irrawaddy. “The government doesn’t want want three armed groups to participate, but we will sign it when all members can participate. We have already made this decision. The government should stop fighting in northern Shan State if they want us to sign it.”

Arakan Liberation Party member and senior NCCT member Saw Myat Yar Zar Lin told The Irrawaddy that the Law Khee Lar meeting is expected to conclude by Saturday.

By LAWI WENG /     @ THE IRRAWADDY

Read more...

International Pressure on Ethnic Armies to Ink Ceasefire

The leaders of ethnic armed groups gathered for a summit on Tuesday in Law Khee Lar, Karen State. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

LAW KHEE LAR, Karen State — Envoys from the United Nations and China joined one of Burma’s most powerful ethnic armed groups on Tuesday in urging ethnic leaders to sign a nationwide ceasefire agreement with the government, at the opening of a summit here to discuss the issue.

Mutu Say Poe, chairman of the Karen National Union (KNU), spoke at the meeting, acknowledging that the gathered ethnic representatives had a variety of interests to consider as they debate the merits of a draft accord for which a declaration of support was signed by ethnic leaders in late March.

“This meeting will be an important meeting to make a political platform for the future of our ethnic armed groups. Regarding the signing of the NCA [nationwide ceasefire accord], I want to give my thoughts: There are different armed groups in our NCCT, and we have different political interests,” he said, referring to the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team, a grouping of 16 ethnic armed groups.

“Should we abandon what we have in the current agreement from the draft NCA or take what we have got?” Mutu Say Poe continued.

He encouraged NCCT members with reservations about the agreement to embrace a “culture of negotiation” that four years of peace talks had fostered.

“Political conflicts must be solved with political dialogue, this is the political stance and commitment of our KNU,” he said, adding that the draft ceasefire was not a perfect agreement.

“I want to say to you all that we will not get all the rights that we want from this draft NCA. It is not a comprehensive draft, but we need to negotiate more to get our rights via political talks. This draft is just an agreement to talk more,” he said, asking ethnic leaders to “be brave” and sign onto the accord.

The KNU chairman also addressed ongoing fighting in northeastern Burma, where clashes between the Burma Army and armed Palaung, Kokang and Arakanese rebels have led some ethnic leaders to question the government’s commitment to the peace process.

The fighting “should not disturb the peace talks,” he said, a sentiment no doubt easier said than done for some of the summit’s attendees, who have in recent months fought some of the fiercest battles in Burma’s civil war since the late 1980s.

The UN special adviser on Burma, Vijay Nambiar, and the Chinese envoy Sun Guoxiang attended the meeting as international observers and also gave remarks on Tuesday in support of the ceasefire’s signing.

Nambiar said it was important that ethnic armed groups sign the agreement before elections due late this year, so that a political dialogue with the government could begin “as soon as possible.”

“This will require you to make some concessions,” he added.

Conversations with ethnic leaders on Tuesday revealed varying perspectives on the state of Burma’s peace process, and whether members of the NCCT should sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement.

N’Ban La, the joint chairman of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), told The Irrawaddy that the KIO would sign a nationwide ceasefire agreement only if it guaranteed a future federal system of government for Burma.

Phone Win Naing, a communications officer from the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), said that his group would not sign the nationwide ceasefire unless the ethnic Kokang were afforded equal rights.

The MNDAA has been the target of a sustained campaign by the Burma Army to rid the Kokang Special Region of the insurgent group, after MNDAA fighters first attacked the city of Laukkai on Feb. 9.

“Other people do not understand our situation. We understand our situation. Why would we sign an NCA if we do not get our political rights,” Phone Win Naing told The Irrawaddy on the sidelines of Tuesday’s meeting.

The MNDAA is a member of the NCCT, but the government does not recognize its seat at the negotiating table, nor the claims to NCCT membership of the Arakan Army.

A leader from the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) reiterated a position, taken by the MNDAA, TNLA and Arakan Army, that the three ethnic armed groups would resign from the NCCT if its other members went ahead with signing the nationwide ceasefire accord.

Supporters of Burma’s peace process hope the Law Khee Lar meeting will be the final word on whether ethnic armed groups will sign the nationwide ceasefire accord.

Last month, however, NCCT chief Nai Hong Sar said ethnic leaders were considering changes to the draft accord, which Naypyidaw’s chief peace negotiator has said could protract Burma’s peace process.

“He [President’s Office Minister Aung Min, the government’s lead peace negotiator] did not want us to add more new points to the NCA draft, but our members generally have discussed adding a few more points to the draft. However, we can only decide at this meeting [in Law Khee Lar] whether we will get agreement from all our members about adding more new points,” said Nai Hong Sar.

Out of 22 ethnic armed groups invited to the summit this week, three have decided not to join, according to Nai Hong Sar. The United Wa State Army (UWSA), National Democracy Alliance Army (NDAA) and the Restoration Council of Shan State opted out, he told The Irrawaddy.

Law Khee Lar, situated along the Thai-Burma border, is controlled by the KNU’s Brigade 7 and also played host to a meeting of ethnic leaders in January 2014.

In a testament to the decades of conflict that has ravaged the region, a KNU leader warned journalists on Monday not to stray from a designated zone that was determined to be free of landmines.

The summit in Law Khee Lar is expected to conclude on Saturday.

By LAWI WENG /   @ THE IRRAWADDY

Read more...

NCCT: No Wa or Shan Groups at Law Khee Lar Conference Will Not Affect Nationwide Ceasefire

A senior member of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team explained to Karen News that the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and Restoration Council of Shan Sate/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA) will not attend a conference to discuss the nationwide ceasefire draft documents.

Padoh Kwe Htoo Win, a senior member of the NCCT told Karen News that the “conference is about informing the remaining member groups about what the NCCT has already contained in the NCA final draft.”

Padoh Kwe Htoo Win said that the two groups were invited to the conference the UWSA and the RCSS/SSA are invited to give their suggestions on the NCA. They are not attending because they think it might seem as if they are not directly involved. It will not affect the NCA process.”

Padoh Kwe Htoo Win said that 21-armed ethnic groups, including UWSA, RCSS/SSA and Naga groups have been invited to the Lawkheelar Conference that will run from, 2nd to 6th June to discuss the draft of the NCA that was signed in March between the NCCT and the Government’s Peace-Making Working Committee (UPWC).

Karen News understand that in their responding letter on May 26th, the UWSA and the RCSS/SSA explained that as they are not members of the NCCT that is composed of 16 armed ethnic groups they would not be sending representatives to the Lawkheelar Conference, taking place in the Karen National Union controlled area, in Hlaingbwe Township, Karen State.

A RCSS/SSA spokesperson, General Sai Hla told Karen News “It may seem as if we are not participating in the ethnic causes, but we are going to be involved. This is a NCCT internal matter. We are waiting the results of the NCCT leaders negotiations and after that we will discuss and analysis the result.”

The first armed ethnic conferences to discuss a nationwide ceasefire was held in Liaza Town, the Kachin Independent Army Headquarters, in October 2013, the second conference was in held January 2014 at Lawkheelar under the control of the KNU and the third conference was also held in Laiza in July 2014

http://karennews.org/2015/06/ncct-no-wa-or-shan-groups-at-law-khee-lar-conference-will-not-affect-nationwide-ceasefire.html/

Read more...

Govt wants NCA draft signed without amendment

Naypyitaw would like to keep both the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) draft and its annexure as they are to be signed by both the government and the armed resistance movements, according to U Aung Min, the government’s chief negotiator who is on a 3-day visit to Chiangmai today.

President Thein Sein (C) looks on as Aung Min (L), vice chairman of Union Peace Working Committee, shakes hands with Nai Han Tha (R), the leader of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordinating Team, after signing the nationwide ceasefire draft agreement in Yangon, March 31, 2015 (Photo by RFA)

“If we want to have amendments, let’s discuss them in the next phases (ie. Framework drafting and Political Dialogue),” he responded in reply to query. “Almost 2 months have already gone since 31 March (when the NCA draft was completed). If we have to negotiate again for the amendments, at least 2 more months will be wasted.”

The government reportedly wants to launch the political dialogue, which is the third phase of the agreed peace roadmap, coming after the signing of the NCA and the drafting of the framework for political dialogue (FPD), before the planned elections in November.

“We would therefore look forward to the decisions of the Law Khee Lar Conference (2-6 June, when ethnic armed movements will meet to consider the NCA draft) to see how we can move ahead,” he added.

Earlier, government sources said amendments if there were any, should be made in the annexure but not in the NCA text. Not a few armed resistance movements, after going through the draft, stated that there were some points they wanted amended.

http://english.panglong.org/govt-wants-nca-draft-signed-without-amendment/

Read more...

Fewer clashes, more IDPs in 2014: BNI report

There were fewer clashes between the Burma Army and the ethnic resistance armies, and still fewer instances of communal violence in 2014, but they were nevertheless sufficient enough reasons for more people being displaced, according to the latest report, still in manuscript form, by the Burma News International (BNI).

Sai Laik, far left, presenting his 2014 report on 7 May 2014 at the Forign Correspondents Club of Thailand (FCCT) in Bangkok. (Photo: Panglong.org)

BNI has already published the much acclaimed Deciphering Myanmar Peace Process (2013) and Deciphering Myanmar Peace Process (2014).

“This year, I’m the only one who’s doing the writing,” says Sai Leik, the principal author, in response to inquiry from government and activist circles. “Naturally, it takes more time.”

The BNI’s Myanmar Peace Monitoring Program (MPM) recorded a total of 242 clashes during the year:

Kachin State                       73    (68, according to Naypyitaw)
Kayah State                        _
Karen State                        13
Chin State                           _
Mon State                           3
Rakhine State                     3
Shan State                          148
Pegu/Bago Region              1
Tenasserim/Taninthayi        1

Compared to 2013, it was considerably less, according to Lt-Gen Myint Soe, Chief of the Bureau of Special Operations (BSO) #1 for northern Burma, who spoke at the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) meeting in March in Rangoon.

“From 2011-2013, we had  more than 1,450 clashes (483 clashes per year), with the KIO/KIA (Kachin Independence Organization/Army) alone,” he said. “But last year we had only 68.”

He however warned that if the NCA wasn’t signed soon, there were signs that the Kachin conflict was in danger of escalation. “We  are barely 3 months into 2015,” he said. “And yet we have already fought 32 clashes.”

Meanwhile, communal violence was at low intensity, in part due to inter-faith cooperation as in Mandalay, where they had formed the Peace Maintaining Committee. BNI refers to Internal Displacement Monitoring Center (IDMC) for the IDP figures last year. According to its July report, there were up to 642,600 IDPs, who were forced to flee their homes by armed conflict and inter-communal violence:

400,000       Shan, Kayah, Karen, Mon, Pegu and Tenasserim
98,000         Kachin, Northern Shan
140,000       Rakhine
5,000           Mandalay

BNI gives several reasons for the continued fighting, which include:
•    Competition for control of strategic and commercial interests
•    Government attempt to clamp down on economic activities by the ethnic armed organizations (EAOs)
•    Government attempt to wipe out the EAOs
•    Failure to adhere to agreements
•    Ineffective liaison offices

Sai Leik says he thinks he will be able to finish the report by the end of the month.

Update: 27 May 2015
The correct number of clashes is 242, not 428 as reported yesterday. Too much dependency on the calculator apologies for the oversight.

Read more...

Wa desperate for allies: Ethnic leader

The United Wa State Army (UWSA)’s recent hosting of the 6-day ‘summit’ in Panghsang, its headquarters on the Sino-Burmese border, was inevitable as it is desperately in need of more allies, according to a prominent leader from an ethnic armed organization.

“8 of the 10 Burma Army’s light infantry divisions are in Kokang (the UWSA’s northern neighbor),” he explained. “Naypyitaw doesn’t need such a big force to subdue Peng Jiasheng (Kokang leader of the Myanmar National Democratic Army).”

The MNDAA, the Wa’s ally, is estimated to be 2,000 strong compared to the estimated 30,000 strong UWSA, reported to be equipped with anti-aircraft guns and missiles.

“One weakness of the UWSA is that the Burma Army can use anti-narcotics campaign as a pretext to fight it,” he added. “So without having allies that enjoy solid reputation as politically-motivated EAOs, it may have to fight a lone war against the Burma Army.”

But the Wa, by all accounts, also appear to be brazenly asking for the leading role in the joint struggle. Why?

“They may have ample reasons to be self-confident, “he replied. He refused to elaborate.

Meanwhile, one of the officers from the Shan State Army (SSA) “North” told SHAN, “The conflict in the north, I believe, is developing into another proxy war between China and the US.”

But another SSA officer rejected, saying, “I think this is going too far. We need more facts and data before arriving at such conclusions. But if it is true, the fragile unity of the EAOs may be further fragmented.”

The EAOs are due to meet at Law Khee Lar, the Karen National Union (KNU) stronghold on the Thai-Burmese border, 2-6 June, to consider whether or not to approve the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) draft finalized between their representatives and the government on 31 March.

panglong.org

Read more...

Wa will not be NCA signatory

The United Wa State Army (UWSA) says due to its different situation from other ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) draft as negotiated by the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) with the government is unacceptable, according to the Wa supreme leader Bao Youxiang’s message in Burmese read our today on the last day of the 12-EAO conference in Pangkham.

Nevertheless, it is ready to join hands with brotherhood organizations to hold political dialogue with the government “for the achievement of racial equality, political equality and equitable sharing of natural resources.”

“Your discussions about existing political inequality, your opposition to armed resolution, and your stand on resolution of ethnic issues through political dialogue are all in line with the position of the ‘Wa State’,” the 66-year old chairman said.

The 12 point joint demands/ resolutions include:

1. Resolution of the civil war through political means
2. Inclusion of EAOs yet to conclude ceasefire with the government in the signing of the NCA
3. Cessation of government offensives in Kachin, Palaung, Kokang and Arakan areas
4. Curbs on further human rights abuse
5. Amendment of 2008 constitution to build up a federal union based on democracy, racial equality and right of self determination
6. There will be no secession from the union
7. Welcomes UN and China’s efforts to bring about cessation of hostilities in northern Burma and the signing of the NCA
8. Nationwide political dialogue must include representatives from government, parliament, Tatmadaw (Burmese military), political parties, the people and the EAOs
9. Need to cultivate the spirit of peaceful co-existence among different nationalities
10. EAOs will form a representative body to hold talks with the government
11. The majority EAOs attending the summit have shown understanding and support for the Wa call for a state level status
12. More meetings will be held in order to further discuss and implement the points agreed at the summit

Update

12:oo

The “joint statement”, latest reports say, is still a draft for discussion. “The     conference is still haggling over the 12 points,” said the source.

Updated: 20:00, 6 May 2015

The final version of the 12-point statement is not much different to what has been translated above, except #12 that such meetings will be hosted by the United Wa State Party,

Read more...

3 Ethnic Rebel Groups Threaten Rejection of Nationwide Ceasefire

Arakan Army Commander-in-Chief Brig-Gen. Tun Myat Naing attends an ethnic armed groups’ conference in Wa region’s Panghsan town on Monday. (Photo: JPaing /The Irrawaddy)

PANGHSANG, Wa Special Region — Three ethnic armed groups battling the Burma Army are threatening to reject a preliminary agreement on a nationwide ceasefire accord reached in March because the government refuses to recognize their political demands and continues to launch operations against them.

The position of the groups—three smaller armies from the Palaung, Arakanese and Kokang ethnic minority areas—could not only complicate their participation in a nationwide agreement, but also that of the powerful United Wa State Army (UWSA), which in recent days has called for the inclusion of the groups in the ceasefire process.

Tar Bong Kyaw, general secretary of the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), told a meeting of ethnic leaders in Panghsang on Monday that his ethnic Palaung rebel group believes it would not serve its interests to sign the draft accord under current conditions.

“There are many problems with the draft [ceasefire]. Representatives from the NCCT and UWPC signed a [preliminary] agreement, but there are many points in the draft that we could not agree with,” Tar Bong Kyaw told The Irrawaddy.

On March 31, the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), which represents a coalition of 16 ethnic rebel groups, agreed in principle with the government’s Union Peacemaking Work Committee (UPWC) on the content of a nationwide ceasefire accord.

The government said it is eager to sign the accord, but NCCT groups said they have to review it with their respective leaders first.

Meanwhile, the UWSA has organized a conference in the Wa Special Region capital of Panghsang on May 1-6 to bring together NCCT groups and non-NCCT armed groups in order to discuss the proposed accord.

Tar Bong Kyaw told the conference that the government was trying to divide the ethnic armed groups by refusing to recognize and continuing to fight the Palaung, Arakanese and Kokang rebels, while including other groups in a nationwide accord.

“The government will not accept the other three groups to participate in political talks, even though they might want to sign the [accord]. It’s very clear they are trying to divide the alliance of ethnic armed groups. This is very dangerous,” said Tar Bong Kyaw.

Brig-Gen. Tun Myat Naing, commander-in-chief of the Arakan Army, told the meeting that there was no point in supporting the accord if the government refused recognize his group’s political demands and continued to launch attacks against it.

“They [the Burma Army] fights against our ethnics, including the Palaung, Kokang and our Arakanese people. They cut off aid for our refugees; they have no food and drink. This situation could hurt our peace talks,” he said.

Tun Myat Naing added his organization would like to see the Constitution amended soon as it would support the success of the nationwide ceasefire process.

The Arakan Army is a small rebel group from western Burma’s Arakan State that has joined ethnic rebels in northern Burma. In recent weeks, it tried to infiltrate northern parts of its home state and clashes erupted with the government that have displaced hundreds of civilians, many of who have gone without emergency aid.

The Kokang rebels of the Myanmar Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) have been involved in heavy fighting with the Burma Army since February in Laukkai Township in northern Shan State. The TNLA and Arakan Army have fought alongside it. The Irrawaddy understands the MNDAA also rejects the ceasefire accord.

The Arakan Army and the MNDAA are NCCT members, but the government refuses to recognize them as such. The TNLA is a NCCT member, but lacks a bilateral ceasefire with the government. It is unclear if the government recognizes the TNLA as a NCCT member.

A government advisor at the Myanmar Peace Center has previously been quoted as saying that the government could sign a “nationwide ceasefire,” while continuing to fight the MNDAA.

The NCCT includes most of the country’s major armed groups, such as the Kachin Independence Army, the Karen National Union, the Shan State Army-North and the New Mon State Party.

The UWSA, the country’s most powerful rebel army with some 20,000 men under arms, is not a NCCT member, nor is its smaller neighbor the Mongla group, but both armies have long-standing bilateral ceasefires with Naypyidaw. It has been an observer to the 18-month-long ceasefire negotiations.

In recent days, the UWSA leaders have finally tried to weigh in on the nationwide ceasefire process by saying that it should include the Arakan Army, the MNDAA and the TNLA, and have pledged solidarity with them.

UWSA Chairman Bao Youxiang said in rare interview on Monday that inclusion of all ethnic groups and reforms to the Constitution were preconditions for Wa support for the nationwide ceasefire accord.

“The country will have peace if the government can represent all people in the country. The government can not only represent their people when working for development,” said Bao Youxiang during an interview with journalists at the Wa headquarters located in the semi-autonomous Wa Special Region on the Burma-China border.

“The main key is to have amendments to the Constitution. If there are amendments to the Constitution, other ethnic groups, including our Wa, will sign the [accord],” the chairman said in comments that were translated into Burmese by UWSA spokesman Aung Myint.

The military-drafted 2008 charter centralizes powers over Burma’s ethnic areas and its natural resources with the central government and the Burma Army. The ethnic groups want to see a federal union of Burma instead that grants them regional autonomy.

“After there is no more fighting, the country will have peace and development. Then, our ethnic groups could build their modern towns like our Wa people have done,” said Bao Youxiang.

Copy right By LAWI WENG / THE IRRAWADDY

Read more...