Day Four. Friday, 5 August 2016
A person with sweet mouth but sour bottom
One ought not live with such in the same house
(Shan proverb)
Has the peace process proceeded in strikes since the new NLD
government took over? That’s the question the workshop tries to answer
today.
First, the positive developments:
- It has promised a federal democracy plus amendment of the military drawn charter
- It is trying its best to include the 13 non-signatories armed
movements in the upcoming Union Peace Conference, renamed Union Peace
Conference (21st Century Panglong).
Through the new government’s efforts, the United Nationalities
Federal Council (UNFC), an alliance of 9 EAOs (some say only 7) appears
to have accepted the government’s invitation to attend the Framework
Review meeting, due 12-13 August, in Rangoon. The 3 excluded movements
(Arakan Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, and Ta-ang
National Liberation Army) are negotiating with government
representatives a public statement acceptable to both sides, after which
they would be invited to join the UPC-21 PL. (There were reports that
negotiations broke down while this report was being filed) The National
Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), a non UNFC group, has already accepted
Naypyitaw’s bid to attend the Framework Review meeting. The United Wa
State Army (UWSA), regarded as the strongest non-state rebel group, is
also expected to join the UPC-21 PL on 31 August , if not the framework
meet.
At
the same time, the workshop also points out that all these developments
have come out at the expense of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement
(NCA) that was signed in October and ratified by the Union Parliament in
December. “There was no need to bypass the NCA,” one comments. “The
government could have achieved the same result by simply implementing
the guidelines laid out by it.”
According to the NCA the Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting
(JICM), composed of representatives of the signatories, is the highest
decision making body.
The Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee (JMC), that deals with
military matters, and the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC)
that deals with political matters, which include drafting/amending the
Framework for Political Dialogue, managing political dialogues and
holding the UPC, are formed by it.
The following are some, if not all, of the workshop’s observations:
- The formation of the UPC-21 PL Preparatory Committee, ostensibly to
convince the non-signatories to join the process in April. “The UPDJC
could have done it just as well,” says one participant.
- The dissolution of the UPDJC made up of 16 members each from the
government, political parties and signatory EAOs, formed under (not by)
the previous government, to appoint a new one headed by the State
Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, by the President.
“The UPDJC, as well as its chair, should be appointed by the JICM, if we play by the rules,” says another participant.
- The 16 members from the political parties, also under the previous
government, were chosen by the parties themselves, following the
principle of inclusivity, as enshrined in the NCA:
National League for Democracy
2 members
Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP)
2 members
Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) 1 members
Arakan National Party (ANP) 1 members
United Nationalities Alliance (UNA) 1 members
Nationalities Brotherhood Federation (NBR) 1 members
Federal Democratic Alliance (FDA) 1 members
Other Burma Proper parties
3 members
Other States parties 4 members
“The government now says only elected parties are eligible, despite Article 22 pointing out clearly that they must be
Tayawin (legal registered) parties,” an unhappy politician had told SHAN.
- “The form adopted under the previous government wasn’t perfect,” he
continued. “Because there was little time to hold a prolonged debate.
But it closely followed the principle of inclusivity.”
Another politician explained how the political parties bloc attending the UPC had chosen its 150 representatives quota:
92 representatives from 92 registered parties
22 representatives, one each from elected parties
16 representatives chosen to the UPDJC
8 representatives, chosen as advisors to the UPDJC
12 representatives, one from each of the 13 parties elected
to the Union Parliament (the USDP decided to forgo its right)
The government now says unelected parties should join the CSO Forum
due to be formed in the unspecified near future. “This really is an
outrage,” the first politician had exploded. “The government promised it
would adhere to the NCA. It’s time to prove the deed goes with the
words.”
- Last but not least, the JICM has not been called since the new government took over. “Without the JICM, everything being done is illegal,” comments an EAO leader.
It seems, they say, negotiating with the elected government is
tougher than negotiating with the USDP government set up by the
military.
“The Thein Sein government had questions of legitimacy,” explains an
academic. “So it was forced to make allowances, such as slackening the
rules on the media and the political parties and initiating negotiations
with the EAOs, in order to boost up its legitimacy. But the NLD doesn’t
have such problems, if you overlook the fact that in most
constituencies in states like Chin it had won by securing only about 20%
votes (there were 12 Chin parties entering the fray).”
In addition, technical problems like lack of experience, inclination
for formal negotiations, and slow communication lines, both within and
without, have been dogging the government’s negotiations, unlike under U
Thein Sein.
No doubt, the government side has a lot of complaints against the
EAOs too, like no longer having practically a single communication line
as it did before they split into signatories and non-signatories last
September.
The participants’ conclusion is that, first and foremost, both sides
must return to the NCA, the only bond between the two sides, without
which the peace process will become dangerously anchorless.
“You can look the other way once and it’s no big deal, except
it makes it easier to compromise next time, and soon all you’ll be
doing is compromising because that’s how you think things are done, “Jack Bauer, the character played by Kiefer Sutherland, tells his colleague in the popular TV series, 24, on corruption.
“You
knew these guys I blew the whistle on. You think they were bad guys?
They weren’t. They were just like you and me, except they compromised
once.”
Naturally, the next conclusion is to decide how it should be made
known to the government side, ASAP. But that is another day, and another
story.
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